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In South Asia's caste system, a Dalit; often called an untouchable; is a person of 'shudra'; the lowest of the four castes. Included are leather-workers (called chamar), scavengers (called bhangi or chura), street handicrafters, poor farmers and laborers.

Dalit is the latest and politically correct, of many terms used for Shudras. The offensive terms used mostly in the past are chura, bhangi, neech, kanjjar, mirasi and many more. Whereas the terms Chura and Bhangi are profession based terms for scavengers, neech as general term for low born;others are actual names of the caste. Harijan was the polite form for untouchable coined by Mahatma Gandhi which means "Children of God" (Hari is another name for God Vishnu). ( This term had already been used by the medieval philosopher Ramanuja as 'Thirukulattar'- People of Holy clan. He was probably the first to allow the untouchables into temples, albeit for limited periods.) The term can also be attributed to Dalit castes of Pakistan called the "haris", who are a group of mud-hut builders. Many Dalits consider "Harijan" condescending, or otherwise feel obliged to discard the term 'Hari' - a Hindu divine name - in preference to the term 'Dalit'.

The word 'dalit(a)' comes from the Sanskrit - root 'dal' - and means 'held under check' ,'suppressed', or 'crushed', or, in a looser sense, 'oppressed'.

Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, a Dalit, and one of the leaders of India's Independence movement, is considered the chief architect of the Indian Consitution, in which Article 17 abolishes untouchability. Since, under the aegis of the Constitution of India affirmative action has now been implemented for the uplift of the 'Dalits'.

The term scheduled castes/scheduled tribes (SC/ST) along with non-caste tribes are also used in the Indian legal system to refer to this social group in India.

Social background and origins

In the context of traditional Hindu society, Dalit status has often been historically associated with occupations regarded as ritually impure: any occupation involving killing, handling of animal dead bodies or nightsoil. Engaging in these activities was considered to be polluting to the individual who performed them, and this pollution was considered to be 'contagious'. As a result, Dalits were commonly banned and segregated from full participation in Hindu social life (they could not enter the premises of a temple), while elaborate precautions were sometimes observed to prevent incidental contact between Dalits and other Hindus.

Historically, there may not have been clear demarcation between Dalit castes and the lowest Shudra castes. Any fifth or 'Panchama' Varna was outside the spectrum of the formal Brahminical order, but the 'Panchama' was free to worship the Hindu gods and live at a distance. Violation of this social segregation often resulted in harsh recriminations.

In modern India the word 'Dalit' has been applied to all people who do not belong to any of the four castes of Hinduism. Defined in this way, 'Dalit' includes not only low-caste or outcaste Hindus, but also aboriginal followers of animist religions.

Dalits are not a single identifiable race or caste. Instead, like the rest of the Hindu society, they are divided into various subcastes known as or 'jatis', the lowest ranking of which is generally considered to be the Bhangis or scavengers, and often used in hindi vernacular as derogatory term.

Most genetic studies have found no significant evidence that members of 'untouchable' groups are substantially different from other groups in similar locations. Castes within a region are probably less genetically different from people of the same caste across different regions. While at least one study found some association between caste status and genetic markers seeming to indicate a more European lineage, no clear biological basis for caste distinctions has been conclusively revealed.

The absence of strong genetic differentiation between Dalits and non-Dalits is often regarded as evidence that the caste barrier was historically more permeable than commonly perceived. Inter-caste marriage in Manusmrti - a set of rules which were amended or modified at different times - was acceptable as long as it was between a higher caste male and a lower caste female.

Additionally, Dalit diversity may be due to newly outcaste individuals or communities over the years. It is noteworthy that certain regional tribes that are considered Dalits are sometimes seen by Indians as racially distinct - they are often regarded as more closely related to Burmese, Thais, and other Southeast and East Asians.

In tradition many Dalits have been elevated through their relentless self-drive to 'higher' caste levels or even to pass into history as the Immortal Great. For just a couple of instances in this context: the legends of Nandan and Kannappan, Dalits of Tamilnadu who became members of the much adored and worshipped 63 Saivaite Naayanmaars, who are among the most celebrated Indian devotee-saints of the God Siva.

Many Dalits who have converted to other religions in the past few centuries continue to retain their Dalit heritage. In the 1991 census, Dalits numbered just over 130 million and constituted more than 16% of India's population, * with the greatest numbers living in Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, and Bihar.

Dalits, it may be noted, are also found in Nepal while, in Pakistan, a predominantly Muslim nation, more than 60% of all Dalits are Hindus.

Dalits and Indian politics

Mahatma Gandhi made it part of the Indian National Congress's mission to eradicate untouchability. For this reason, untouchability has been officially abolished in India, although social practice still exist today, particularly in rural villages. In these extremely traditional villages, Dalits are still not allowed to let their shadows fall upon an upper caste member (particularly a Brahmin, for fear of ritually contaminating them; and they are still required to sweep the ground where they walk to remove the 'contamination' of their footfalls. In some of these villages, rural Dalits are forbidden to worship in temples or draw water from the same wells as caste Hindus, and they usually live in segregated neighbourhoods outside the main village. In urban areas and most villages the old concepts of a rigid caste system and untouchability usually no longer exist, though most Indians still voluntarily hold on to their caste origins, which is intended to reflect that their ancestors belonged to their castes with a sense of pride in the duties and responsibilities as required by the caste rules. In matrimonial matters, the Hindus, whether Dalit or non-Dalit, caste identity is a practical near-must, though this is ignored by inter-caste couples, (and not also by their close relatives), who marry ignoring castes but due to an attraction on the basis of education or economic status, of either or both members.

While the Indian Constitution has duly made special provisions for the social and economic uplift of the Dalits, comprising the so-called Scheduled castes and tribes in order to enable them to achieve upward social mobility, these concessions are limited to only those Dalits who remain Hindu. There is a demand among the Dalits who have converted to 'casteless' Christianity, Buddhism or Islam, as the case may be, that the statutory benefits should be extended to them as well as social relief to overcome historical injustices faced.

Political commentators on India make mention of the democratic phenomenon known as 'vote bank politics' as being used to polarize and create wedges within society in order to garner votes in elections. As such political violence, emotions and ideology is highly charged in relation to the 'Dalits' and their sentiments towards oppression by higher castes. Another major politically charged issue with the rise of hindutvas role in Indian politics is that of religious conversion. This political movement alleges conversions of Dalits not to any social or theological motivation but to allurements like education, jobs, of poor and uneducated. Critics argue that the inverse is true with laws banning conversion, and the limiting of social releif for these backward sections of Indian society being revoked for those who convert. With the connivance of the corruptible members of the administration and the Christian missionaries/clergy who were responsible for Dalit conversion into Christianity, it is often alleged that the fact of conversion in individual cases is not reported so that the concessions originally availed as the suppressed under Hinduisn - Dalits - could be continued, even if illegally! Many times the new converted Dalits are advised by the clergy to withhold the fact of their conversion and to continue using their old Hindu names, to their employers, who may be Hindu, since not always the promises of jobs made by the clergy as an allurement in conversion may be possible for them to implement.

Another political issue is over the affirmative action measures taken by the government towards the uplift of the Dalits by implementation of quotas in government jobs and university admissions aimed at improving Dalit representation. Nearly 25% of the seats in the National and State Parliaments are reserved for Scheduled Caste and Tribe candidates, a measure sought by B.R. Ambedkar and other Dalit activists in order to ensure that Dalits would obtain a proportionate political voice. The implementation of the well-intentioned measures in favour of Dalits has been negated to a substantial degree, since some of the non-Dalits, mostly among the other socially backward communities pay bribes to corrupt local legislators and get 'Dalit identity certificates' to become eligible to compete for seats in educational centres or jobs on the basis of 'quotas' earmarked for the uplift of the Dalits who needed to give up their traditional caste roles to embrace modernising mainstream. Partly because of this widespread violation of the law, in a move by various political parties (latest as of June 2006), a law is in the process of being made by the Indian Parliament by which specified central government institutions of higher education reserve 27% of the seats for those communities as a matter of right, with the expectation that this reservation will discourage members of the castes above those 'backward' castes or even of the 'Dalits' themselves will not misuse this quota with false caste certificates. Some political commentators believe that the various measures of the government, including the reservations, will actually be counter-productive in the other basic thrut toward a casteless society, by perpetuating the castes, and in the event, ignoring the needs of a modern merit-based society.

Dalits and religion

One of the tougher questions in modern Indian society is whether the Dalits are really Hindus. Traditionally, Dalits have been barred from many activities that were seen as central to Vedic religion and Hindu practices. The wide variety of practices and beliefs observed in Hinduism makes any clear assessment difficult.

Many Dalits continue to debate whether they are 'Hindu' or 'non-Hindu'. Some have successfully integrated into urban Indian society, where caste origins are less obvious and less important in public life. In rural India, caste origins are more readily apparent and Dalits remain excluded from local religious life, though this exclusion in its severity is in fact fast diminishing due to changing social norms of acceptable behavior.

Because many Dalits feel they must have a formal religion, they have been drawn to other religions to improve their social and economic standing by removing them from a religious environment where they are excluded and denigrated. Dalit politician and activist Dr B.R. Ambedkar was influential in encouraging many Dalits to convert to Buddhism in order to escape the inequities of the caste system. Ambedkar himself converted to Buddhism in 1956, shortly before his death. More than 400,000 of his followers became Buddhists that same year, and more have converted since. The interpretation of Buddhism popularized by Ambedkar and his followers borrowed heavily from the Theravada tradition and emphasized the Buddha's teachings on social equality, particularly his rejection of castes for Sangha members, and the Buddhist teaching that the 'true Brahman' is one who engages in ethical behaviour, regardless of birth. This movement is sometimes called Neo-Buddhism.

In recent years, the use of mass conversion as a Dalit political tactic (often to Christianity or Buddhism) has become controversial -- some politicians called for bans on mass conversion ceremonies, on the basis that there are definite social and political measures to uplift this segment of Hindus, and it is better to nip in the bud forces that could eventually lead to demands for vivisection of the Indian nation. (There is already a Missionary-induced separatist movement in the North-eastern region of India, as well as a destructive secessionist movement in the state of Jammu and Kashmir based on religion.) (citation needed)

Dalits and Sikhism

Although Sikhism tried to end the caste system, it wasn't so effective in ending it. The Sikh caste system is dominated by Jat-Sikhs. At times, the untouchables in Sikh villages have been (mis)treated even worse than any Hindu village.

A leader of the Bhaujan Samaj Party, Kanshi Ram has a Sikh background. He was born in a Raidasi Sikh family. The Raidasis were chamars who converted to Sikhism to be given higher status than in Hinduism. Unsatisfyed with the disaster, Kanshi Ram converted to Buddhism.

Dalits and Jainism

Although Jainism has fought the caste system, its own members after the spread of Jainism did not want to give up the status from which they were. In the Jain community a Dalit (or a Shudra) cannot become a medicant. However there have been some Hindu medicants of which Dr. Ambedkar's grandfather was one.

Dalits and Social Policy

The central government and many state governments reserve places for Dalits in all educational courses and government jobs, but many poor Dalits remain poorly educated. Most Dalits, like other poor Indians, cannot afford private schools and tutoring. The improvement of public education remains a priority for many Dalit activists, who believe that the poor quality of public primary schools prevents Dalits from taking advantage of the educational opportunities supposedly provided for them by quotas and preferred admission to institutions of higher learning. Education of rural Dalits remains particularly problematic. Additionally, a recent Supreme Court decision removed the quota system from private and unaided professional colleges, limiting preferred admissions criteria for Dalit students to government-run and funded educational institutions.

Some Dalits believe that the jobs traditionally reserved for Dalits are no longer lucrative, and should be supplemented by reserved jobs in the private sector. Recently, some Dalit politicians attempted to secure action from international business groups and the World Bank that would provide reserved jobs for Dalits in foreign funded development projects, and foreign business investments *. The Asian Development Bank has however mentioned that any reservations in the private sector would be anticompetitive, and Industry leaders have maintained that they will hire on the basis of competence which should transcend arbitrary caste considerations.

Rural Dalits face many of the problems of other poor, rural Indians. Dalits in poor communities may be the target of the frustration and fear of non-Dalits. These individuals, often desperately poor themselves, may target Dalits who are seen as living 'above their station'- either through economic prosperity, or by acting without regard for traditional caste restrictions on behaviour and relationships (see and [http://www.deccanherald.com/deccanherald/sep242005/national1639332005923.asp for examples).

Famous Dalits

Further reading

  • Outcaste: A Memoir by Narendra Jadhav, Penguin India, August 2003, ISBN 0670049727, 296 pages.
  • Mari Marcel Thekaekara. 1999. Endless Filth: The Saga of the Bhangis. London: Zed Books. ISBN 184277266X.
  • Subrata K. Mitra and V.B. Singh. 1999. Democracy and Social Change in India: A Cross-Sectional Analysis of the National Electorate. New Delhi: Sage Publications. ISBN 817036809X (India HB) ISBN 0761993444 (U.S. HB).
  • Agrawal, Girish and Gonsalves, Colin. 2005. Dalits and the Law. New Delhi: Human Rights Law Network. ISBN 8189479016.
  • Deliege, Robert. 1999. The Untouchables of India. Oxford: Berg. ISBN 1859732097
  • Dr. Udit Raj (formerly Dr. Ram Raj) is the National President of the Indian Justice Party: On November 4, 2001, Udit Raj publicly affirmed his conversion to Buddhism at a large Dalit rally. He encouraged his fellow Dalits to choose their own religion, Christianity included. http://www.gfa.org/gfa/reachingthedalits#dalit3 http://www.truthorfiction.com/rumors/h/hindus.htm
  • Caste - A Nation within the Nation- V.T. Rajshekar
  • Development Redefined - V.T. Rajshekar
  • Weapons to Fight Counter Revolution - V.T. Rajshekar
  • Shape of things to come - V.T. Rajshekar
  • Brahminism - V.T. Rajshekar
  • Aggression on Indian Culture - V.T. Rajshekar
  • India's Intellectual Desert - V.T. Rajshekar
  • The Zionist Arthashastra (Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion) - V.T. Rajshekar
  • India's Muslim Problem - V.T. Rajshekar
  • Grave - Diggers of History - V.T. Rajshekar
  • Judicial Terrorism - V.T. Rajshekar & Iqbal Ahmed Shariff
  • When Dalits Disobeyed Final Words of their Father - V.T. Rajshekar
  • Why Dalits Hate Hinduism? - V.T. Rajshekar
  • Dalit Voice - A New Experiment in Journalism - V.T. Rajshekar
  • India as a Failed State - V.T. Rajshekar
  • In defence of Brahmins - V.T. Rajshekar
  • West Losing War on Muslims - V.T. Rajshekar
  • Muslims and Mustadafeen - V.T. Rajshekar

See also

Caste | Four sections of varnas | Social groups of India | Dalit

Dalit | Dalit | Intouchable | 불촉천민 | Paria | Dalit | 贱民 (印度)

 

This article is licensed under the GNU Free Documentation License. It uses material from the "Dalit (outcaste)".

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