This work, particularly the brickmaking, was extremely rigorous and the conditions oppressively harsh. Moses, in exile from Egypt at the time, was called or felt impelled to become a leader. Returning to Egypt he attempted to negotiate with the Pharaoh, who was not receptive, saying he did not know Moses' God. Moses, under God's instruction, called forth a series of ten plagues. Eventually Pharaoh agreed to the Israelites' request for Moses to lead the Israelites out of Egypt.
However the Pharaoh changed his mind soon after they left, and sent soldiers after the Israelites to bring them back. In a miraculous escape the Israelites crossed over a "sea" which had dried out, with the water standing up on both sides of them like a wall. Once the Israelites had crossed the sea, the water returned and caught the following Egyptians as they tried to turn back, as the Lord had caused their chariots to swerve.
After their departure from Egypt, the Israelites traveled through an itinerary of perhaps 40 locations. The modern counterparts of many of the places at the beginning of the list are unknown or disputed. Significant events occurred at these early locations or 'stations', including the giving of the Ten Commandments at Mount Sinai, along with the remainder of Mosaic law. The Israelites finally arrive at a site which may have been located, Kadesh-Barnea. Spies eyed Canaan as a prospect for invasion, but although Joshua and Caleb returned with optimistic reports, the other ten tribal leaders advised that an invasion not be attempted. All this seemed to happen in the first year, as the accounts says the Wandering took place when Moses was between the ages of 80 and 120: "Israel was thereupon sentenced to wander forty years in the wilderness" (Nu. 14:34). (Note that as manna had just been introduced, Ex. 16:35 does not imply the forty years to have happened previously, but is a forward-looking statement.) Moses then led the Israelites through the remainder of a series of encampments known to scholars as the Stations for the afore-mentioned forty years. Only the descendants of the generation present at the start of the forty years, along with Joshua and Caleb, would be able to cross into Canaan proper; an action which ultimately culminated in the beginning of the Conquest of Canaan with the crossing of the River Jordan from the East.
The crossing of the Red Sea has been variously placed at the Pelusic branch of the Nile, anywhere along the network of Bitter Lakes and smaller canals that formed a barrier toward westward escape, or even the Gulf of Suez (SSE of Succoth) and the Gulf of Aqaba (S of Ezion-Geber). It is apparent from scriptural usage of the "Red Sea", lit. Yam Suf, i.e. the "Sea of Reeds", that the term was used to refer to both the Gulf of Aqaba and the Gulf of Suez, but the meaning of the term can be easily read to refer to a papyrus marsh in Egypt as well.
Some of the more prominent routes for travelers through the region were the royal roads, the "king's highways" that had been in use for centuries, and would continue in use for centuries as well. The Bible specifically denies that the Israelites went the Way of the Philistines (Ex. 13:17), but even so, some scholars suggest a more northerly route along a more northerly narrow strip of land adjoining the Mediterranean, but as the warfare with the Philistines was a concern for the Israelites, and given the flat denial of the northern highway, an Exodus route that parallels it to the north and then crosses it seems especially unlikely, in view also of the military situation that might present itself. Pi-Hahiroth, (e.g. Ex. 14:2,7), is interpreted as the "mouth of the canal", but since Pi- may also be the Egyptian word for royal city, and it is a widely known practice that Hebrew scribes often drop or change foreign deities as parts of names, this argument is not terribly compelling. Although it is no stretch to admit the plain Hebrew meaning of the name, the original may also have read along the lines of "Pi-Seth on the canal" or some such. This leaves the Way of Shur and the Way to Seir as probable routes, the former having the advantage of heading toward Kadesh-Barnea. Finally, various southern routes, all incorporating very similar routes, are notable due to their popularity. There would have been some doubling back involved, after leaving Egypt, in addition to merely following the main highways. Three possible crossing routes at the Bitter Lakes are shown, and the Gulf of Aqaba is another popular candidate, but this crossing is not shown for the sake of clarity.
On the map at the upper right, three of the important highways and the traditional southern route are shown.
A summary of some of the many Exodus routes as proposed by various scholars can be found at: Various Map Proposals for the Route of the Exodus
Estimates of population suggest that Egypt might have supported around 3-4 million people during that period, maybe even up to 6 million (Robert Feather, The Copper Scroll Decoded and *). Up to comparatively recent times, the population has not been excessive. Napoleon estimated a population of 3 million when he invaded in 1798. Similarly, a simple calculation shows that a group of 3 million walking 10 abreast with 6 ft between rows would extend for around 340 miles (3,000,000 / 10 * 6 = 1,800,000 ft. = 340 mi.). Driving animals, taking children and elderly would probably have increased this distance.
Recent archaeological research has not been able to confirm the biblical account. Archaeologists have found no evidence that the Sinai desert ever hosted millions of people, nor of a massive population increase in Canaan during this time period. At this time the land is estimated to have had a population of between 50,000 and 100,000. Archaeologists, however, disagree greatly among themselves on timing, such as the conquest of Jericho, based on carbon dating and pottery shards, so they can neither affirmatively disprove the Exodus.
Archaeologists and secular historians have worked in the Middle East for many years to make an educated guess of approximately how many people lived in a given area at a given time. They do this by analyzing the evidence: buildings, trash, human waste product, skeletons, traces of ancient farms and fields, clothing, documents, and, of course, historical records.
Hebrew University professor Abraham Malamat points out that the Bible often refers to 600 and its multiples, as well as 1,000 and its multiples, typologically in order to convey the idea of a large military unit. "The issue of Exodus 12:37 is an interpretive one. The Hebrew word eleph can be translated 'thousand,' but it is also rendered in the Bible as 'clans' and 'military units.' There are thought to have been 20,000 in the entire Egyptian army at the height of Egypt's empire. And at the battle of Ai in Joshua 7, there was a severe military setback when 36 troops were killed." Therefore if one reads alaphim (plural of eleph) as military units, the number of Hebrew fighting men lay between 5,000 and 6,000. In theory, his would give a total Hebrew population of less than 20,000, something within the range of historical possibility.
Some hold that one cannot interpret the counts given for each tribe in Numbers 1-2 in this fashion. They appear in units of "thousands", "hundreds" and "tens" and in addition the total appears. Thus, no interpretation of eleph except "thousand" makes sense in that case. However, the Hebrew Bible does not always use words precisely or consistently, precluding definitive proof either way.
This by no means renders some kind of Exodus impossible. Some scholars suggest that it might not necessarily happened in the numbers claimed. In the second millennium BC, the Sinai region was much more lush than it is today, and could thus support more life. However the amount of grazing land and food needed for a migration of millions for decades at least strains credulity. The failure to find clear indications of this migration does not demonstrate that it did not happen, but the absence of evidence can be taken to have some significance. Part of the problem of finding evidence for this migration also involves a larger issue: the date of the Exodus is not known, and so it is unclear which layers might most likely represent any remnants of their migration. It is unclear if this means that a smaller migration might have given rise to the Exodus, that the migration should be sought at an unexpected time or that it happened in the numbers claimed but the evidence eludes us. One cannot conclude that it do not happen at all based on the difficulty with the large migration numbers.
Therefore, many scholars have questioned the Biblical numbers. In general, archaeologists hypothesize based on evidence available in locations. There are no other Exodus accounts in legend, inscriptions or steles currently available to dispute the numbers in the Hebrew Torah.
There is little scholarly agreement as to even the century in which the Exodus should be placed. If one accepts the orthodox account, then from I Ki. 6:1, the conclusion is that the Exodus occurred 480 years before the founding of King Solomon's temple. Fortunately, only the Biblical Minimalist school of interpretation dissents significantly from the traditional date for Solomon's temple. The consensus of most experts places it in the range of 960-970 BCE. Using, for example, 966, we arrive at an Exodus date of 1446. This is unsatisfactory for three reasons:
Currently, the destruction layer at Hazor, at which a transition from Canaanite to proto-Israelite/Philistine material culture is found, is dated from 1250-1150 BCE. (A Canaanite gate there is dated ca. 1155, but that city may have been razed subsequent to its completion.) A similar boundary at Lachish is dated to 1150, and at Megiddo, about 1145 BCE. Either these classic Joshua conquests happened at a much different time than the Bible suggests, or we must employ some exotic Egyptian chronology, even though it is relatively well understood, compared to Hebrew chronology and even Babylonian chronology. Other "Joshua" cities have transition layers around 1250 BCE.
One idea that has enjoyed occasional support among scholars ignores point three, and suggests that the Exodus should be associated with the expulsion of the Hyksos. Indeed, this seems to have been the conclusion of classical writers such as Manetho and Josephus. The Hyksos were a Semitic people who ruled Egypt for roughly two centuries before the Eighteenth Dynasty. One cannot deny the possibility that the Hyksos might have been associated with the Habiru stock which seems to have given rise to the Hebrews of the Bible (although this link is not universally admitted), and indeed, the statement of Ex. 12:40 suggests that 400 years separated the arrival of Israelites in Egypt and the Exodus, thus tempting us to synchronize the arrival of Jacob in Egypt with the Hyksos. This, however, disregards the impossibility of synchronizing the end of the Hyksos era with the emergence of proto-Israelite material culture in Canaan, the earliest phases of which in the central highlands date to 1400 BCE. Furthermore, the Hyksos left Egypt as defeated kings, not as escaping slaves. If we suppose the Israelites to have fled before then, we do not encounter any notice that their captors were soon overwhelmed, nor any notice that the Pharaoh they were slaves under was not actually an Egyptian, but Semitic like their selves. Placing the Exodus before the expulsion of the Hyksos only increases the difficulty of synchronizing the evidence with the arrival of proto-Israelite material culture in Canaan. Placing it shortly afterward does not allow for a very long Oppression, and also fails to explain why the Bible does not say that Pharaoh was not Egyptian for much of this time, or that the Egyptians had come back to power.
Thus it is that there are two main categories that most Exodus theories fall into: Early and Late Exodus theories. Those requiring the veracity of I Ki. 6:1, or otherwise having an Exodus at or before ca. 1446 BCE (which include the many works by Bimson, who is not a fundamentalist, and more recently Redford and Herzog), are generally known as Early Exodus Theory supporters. Those maintaining that the building of the city of Rameses in Ex. 1:11 should be associated with Rameses II or later (Rameses I ruled for only a year or so), are termed supporters of a Late Exodus theory. Rameses II came to the throne ca. 1290-1272 (the Encyclopedias Americana and Britannia differ on Egyptological dating, and Bietak places them later yet), as opposed to the ca. 1446 BCE I Ki. 6:1 would require. Most archaeologists, for their part, if they believe the Exodus to be a historical event at all, support a late conquest of the "Joshua" cities, thus suggesting Rameses II as the Pharaoh of the Oppression. This fits well with the equation of the city of Rameses of Ex. 1:11 with the pi-Rameses of archaeology; and Pithom with pi-Atum, which had major construction during the reign of Rameses II. Alternate hypotheses concerning synchronizing the Exodus with volcanic eruptions are at least possible, but we are under no compulsion to require synchronization with any such eruption. Rabbinical tradition often tells a less miraculous version of events than that the water stood up like a wall on each side, such as crossing the Red Sea in twelve different places, and as the channels of the Bitter Lakes may have been silting up like the Pelusic Branch in the time of Rameses, all we need do is imagine a brief drought which resulted in a silted up channel to have become dried up in one or more places in order to explain the received traditions. So, although many theories are possible, mainly Early Exodus theories support the accuracy of I Ki. 6:1, and late Exodus theories posit that the Rameses mentioned in Ex. 1:11 is not just an anachronism, but can be supported via archaeology.
The Israel Stele is a terminus ad quem for the existence of Israel. Contra biblical expectation, this first archaeological mention of Israel, it is widely agreed, documents events in the reign of the pharaoh Merenptah. Merenptah's reign was over by 1211 BCE (or a little thereafter if proposed radiocarbon date corrections are used), and so we are compelled to conclude that Israel existed by then, when mainstream Egyptian chronologies are employed. Contra prevailing opinion about the Stele, it does not require the Exodus to already have happened. Had the Exodus happened in e.g. 1446 BCE, Israel should have been settled in Canaan and long established. Yet, the Stele uses a determinative symbol which signifies a tribe in referring to Israel, instead of a city determinative, as with other peoples mentioned; allowing the possibility that the Israelites were not yet settled. Furthermore, it claims that they are "without seed", suggesting that all adult males had been killed - yet there is no such decimation of Israel by Egypt recorded in the Judges era.
Meek's essential hypothesis of a two part Conquest still seems sound, even if his exact dating of phase two is open to question. Malamat, based largely on the work of de Moor, observes a cluster of Exodus-like events around 1190 BCE, synchronizing the Exodus with the reign of the Pharaoh Sethnakht. In his reign, there was a rebellion against him, which had conspired with foreign elements, which was ultimately defeated. During this time, it seems the vizier Beya, who had been the power behind the throne in the time of Tausert, had made himself like a king, during which time the Egyptian gods were no longer worshipped. The defeated rebels then left for the desert in a southeasterly direction. This accords well with the archaeological evidence. In view of Meek's hypothesis then, the Exodus would have happened some time before the second phase of the Conquest. This can be correlated with the fact that no southern tribes are called in the Song of Deborah (Judges ch.5) even though farther away Trans-Jordan tribes are called; but Judah's existence seems to be taken for granted during the earliest phases of the conquest in the book of Joshua. It may well be that Deborah and Joshua have been translocated in time, and that Deborah may have been among Israelites that stayed in Canaan (although the Bible does not tell us that any stayed) during the Oppression of the Israelites in Egypt. Archaeologists describe arrivals of proto-Israelites in the Central Highlands of Israel around 1400 BCE, but the transitions for cities described as first haven been conquered by Joshua from Egypto-Canaanite to proto-Israelite layers generally happens about 1250-1150 BCE, if not later.
Finkelstein suggests that the later destruction layer at Hazor was resettled by a later phase of Philistine material culture, and thus was not necessarily Israelite at all. This point is not terribly compelling, since in the Judges era, the Israelites had to go to the Philistines to get their tools sharpened, and thus probably engaged in extensive trade with the Philistines at first. If he can sustain that these layers are also later than say 1145, our whole idea of the Exodus would have to be revised, Israel already having been so well settled by the time Hazor became Israelite. However, such an idea should be based not merely on Philistine pottery, but also on compelling Egyptological evidence. Finkelstein also does not uphold Yadin's identification of the Solomonic city gates. This state of affairs prompted Herschal Shanks to ask famously, "If those aren't the tenth century Solomonic gates, then where is the Tenth Century?"
Israeli archaeologist Amnon Ben-Tor, an excavator of Hazor, when faced with a scholar trying to revise his chronologies, bristles at the prospect. He writes,
At least Ben-Tor is in good company. Hazor is not the only site whose archaeologists find a such a transition. A number of cities first said to have been conquered by Joshua have transition dates mainstream archaeology puts at ca. 1150-1250, and recent trends in archaeology are to lower, rather than raise the date of these transitions.
Thus it is that the archaeology of the Conquest militates for a Late Exodus, although fundamentalist scholars still hold out for an early date. If we choose to agree with the consensus of archaeologists (when they can be convinced to hazard a guess as to the historicity of the Exodus at all) that the construction of the city of Rameses in Ex. 1:11 should be placed no earlier than the reign of Rameses II, then we would conclude that although the Late Exodus theory seems probable, it is nonetheless still work in progress that continues to be affected by late-breaking developments.
It is also not enough to simply translocate the biblical events to this later time. The site currently identified as Kedesh-Barnea has as yet turned up no Late Bronze Age occupation, nor any until the tenth century BCE, and others, such as Beersheba, Arad, and Edom, show the same pattern as well. Although this absence of evidence, is not evidence of absence. This principle should not be scoffed at. Sometimes populations can be paltry or mounds can get leveled (although this is labor intensive) before being resettled, but on the other hand, text can be added to authentic historical accounts also. While it is true that archaeologists did not find the early settlements in Edom and Moab that they expected to find, suggesting an unhistoric text, even earlier Egyptian records do mention both an Edom and a Seir, in geographic lists that would tend to place them in the right vicinity as well. It is hard to preclude the possibility, for example, that some of the biblical tales of conquest might have originated with conflicts with semi-nomadic groups who might be inhabiting these regions; but another possibility is that some facets of the Exodus stories could belong to a later political reality.
Interestingly enough, although there is much diversity as to the time to place the Exodus, most scholars seem to conclude that the archaeological sites of pi-Rameses and pi-Thom are the "treasure cities" (i.e. probably royal cities) of Rameses and Pithom of Ex. 1:11. There is an Egyptian record of 'Apiru shipping a huge stele to pi-Rameses (although it is somewhat controversial that the 'Apiru are the Hebrew). Bietak, for his part, finds evidence of Semetic-style three roomed houses at pi-Rameses. It is now believed that many of the artifacts of those cities had been located to their current location in the reign of Rameses III, but that much of the building Rameses II had done at pi-Rameses had been over the site of the ancient Hyksos capital of Avaris. Bases of the statues and monuments which had been relocated had been found in this vicinity. It is important to discuss this issue here rather than under the separate topic headings for Rameses and Pithom, since it affects the issue of dating the Exodus so much. Bietak and others conclude that these sites, both pi-Rameses and pi-Thom, if they are located at any of the sites seriously contended by scholars, were unoccupied from the centuries from the expulsion of the Hyksos until the time of Rameses II. If these sites were unoccupied before Rameses II, then this gives us a choice - either the completion of these cities occurred during the Hyksos era, so that Aviris can have archaeological remains at pi-Rameses, and then pi-Rameses would have to be an anachronistic name; or else these cities were completed well after the accession of Rameses II. Neither choice is compatible with the date inferred from I Ki. 6:1 of 1446 BCE. Thus, one must either have the Oppression in the Hyksos era, as does Bimson, or else one is left with some form of late Exodus, to take the egyptologists at their word.
According to tsunami experts, the massive volcanic eruption on the Greek island of Santorini in 1600BCE could have generated a giant tidal wave or tsunami that struck the Nile Delta, parting of the sea, triggered the ten plaques during the time of Moses' escape from Egypt. Tsunamis are often preceded by the water withdrawing from the shore. A mega-tsunami caused by Santorini's volcano would siphon billions of gallons of water - not just from the shore but from connecting rivers and lakes - creating dry land for as long as two hours. This would give Moses and the Israelis enough time to cross, although maybe not 3 million of them. Heavier chariots may well have been bogged down in the mud. Evidence is based on findings along the rock beddings shores of Africa and Egypt.
Several authors have pointed out similarities between the description of Mount Sinai in Exodus and descriptions of erupting volcanoes. Authors who have espoused this theory include:
Humphreys proposes the volcano Hala-'l Badr in Arabia.
The substance of proposed evidence consists of a handful of supposed parallel events and names, and claimed flaws in the archaeological work. Acceptance among experts will be an uphill battle for a number of reasons. It would require the archaeologists working on ancient Israeli sites to revise their chronology, since layers there containing Rameses II cartouches are generally placed before the time of Solomon. It would require Egyptologists to revise the history of Ancient Egypt drastically, leaving out entire centuries and dynasties.
In other words, it would not merely involve revising our understanding of most ancient Egyptian dynasties by centuries, but also a complete revision of the archaeology of Palestine. Serious archaeologists working on both ancient Israel and Egypt by and large do not subscribe to these revised chronologies. Against the weight of all this, it seems easier to suppose that either a copy of, or else the Ipuwer Papyrus itself, might have been made use of at a later time to have become part of the Hebrew scriptures, or else that the Jewish tale might have stemmed from another source which bore an apparent but only coincidental resemblance to the Ipuwer Papyrus.
In his Antiquities of the Jews and Against Appion, Josephus recounts a distorted tale supposedly from Manetho, identifying the expulsion of the Jews both with the Hyksos, and with the expulsion of a group of Asiatic lepers, led by a renegate Egyptian priest called Osarseph. It appears this tale is a conflation of events of the Amarna period, of the earlier Hyksos expulsion, and events at the end of the 19th Dynasty.
In his 1939 books Moses and Monotheism, Sigmund Freud linked moses to the religion of Akhenaten, Atenism. The exodus would then come after Akhenaten's death (ca. 1358 BC) when much of the pharaoh's monotheistic reforms were being violently reversed. Joseph Campbell also put forth such theories. Ahmed Osman went one step further, identifying Moses with Akhenaten himself. These theories are not taken seriously by most mainstream Egyptologists.
Many rabbis in the Talmud stated that one should never interpret certain Torah verses literally. Later rabbis, such as Maimonides, taught that when scientific evidence contradicts a current understanding of the Gemara, we must re-interpret that Gemara in accord with science. This did not apply to the Torah. For many traditional rabbis, such a position did not count as heresy. This view exists today within Conservative Judaism, Reform Judaism, and parts of Modern Orthodox Judaism. However, the strong negative reaction to leading Conservative Rabbi David Wolpe's 2001 Passover speech, where he plainly stated that the Exodus did not happen, indicates that this is still a controversial issue even in the liberal Jewish movements.
passover | Torah events | Exodus Stations
Изход (Библия) | 2. Buch Mose | Eliro | Exode | יציאת מצרים | Keluaran | 出エジプト記 | Exodus | Uittocht uit Egypte | Księga Wyjścia | Êxodo | Исход
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"The Exodus".
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