The special relationship is the phrase used to characterize what advocates view as the warm political, diplomatic, historical, and cultural relations between the United States and member nations of the Commonwealth of Nations. (See the article Anglo-American relations for an overview of relations between the two countries in general). The phrase is more frequently used by some British commentators to mean the United Kingdom and the United States, of which more below; and its advocates view it as is the chief benefit-in-action of the Anglosphere. It is now also used by some to describe the close relationship between Tony Blair and George W. Bush.
The United States has close relations with many friendly allied countries, among them Canada, Australia and Israel. Similarly, the United Kingdom has close relations with such European Union (EU) nations as France and Germany, and of course with major Commonwealth countries (and former British colonies): Singapore, South Africa, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. The most common usage of the term "special relationship" nevertheless usually refers to an Anglo-American relationship.
The origin of the term may be Winston Churchill's "Sinews of Peace Address" in Fulton, Missouri, better known for addressing the rise of communism and the Iron Curtain.
The special relationship is based on historical, cultural, economic and ideological ties, and is often evoked at times of difficulty for either party.
Built on the principle of interdependence, most American commentators had until relatively recently construed the special relationship as a "one-way street", namely that Britain relied heavily on the United States to promote its affairs further in international relations. This was certainly true from the perspective of post-second World War Britain, until the resurgence of the British economy, post Margaret Thatcher's radical economic and social reforms while Prime Minister of Britain. Moreover, Thatcher's exceptionally close political and personal relationship with and influence on US President Ronald Reagan is widely-regarded as having contributed in part to the international political climate which ultimately led to the dissolution of the Soviet Union.
At the time of writing in July 2005, Britain is the world's fourth largest economy in terms of gross domestic product. In stark economic terms for example, in 2005 the US is the biggest single investor in the UK, and vice-versa. This economic strength, together with Britain's influence as one of the "big three" in the European Union, has altered the relative US/UK balance somewhat. Conversely, British commentators have implied that British support of American policy is rarely reciprocated when it is not directly in America's best interests, leaving Britain diplomatically isolated - for example during the Suez Crisis, the Falklands War and at the July 2005 G8 summit under the Presidency of the UK, where Prime Minister Tony Blair signally failed to persuade President George W. Bush to sign up to the Kyoto Protocol - the US citing "harm to the United States' economy" as their principal objection.
The 'special relationship' was most recently demonstrated by the circumstances surrounding the war in Iraq. See also: 2003 invasion of Iraq.
Another legacy of the Cold War, since the Berlin Blockade the United States has maintained substantial forces in Britain. The first major American deployment being B-29 bombers in July 1948. Currently, an important base is the radar facility RAF Fylingdales, part of the US Ballistic Missile Early Warning System. Several other bases with a significant US presence include RAF Lakenheath and RAF Mildenhall as well as a jointly operated military facility on Diego Garcia in the British Indian Ocean Territory. Following the end of the Cold War, which was the main rationale for their presence, the number of US facilities in the UK has been reduced in number in line with the US military worldwide. Despite this, these bases have been used extensively in support of various peacekeeping and offensive operations of the 1990s and early 21st century.
Although the UK does not have any military deployments in US territory, underground testing of British nuclear weapons took place at the US Nevada Test Site.
The UK is the only "level one" international partner in the largest U.S. aircraft procurement project in history, the Joint Strike Fighter programme. The UK was involved in writing the specification and selection and its largest defence contractor BAE Systems is a partner of the American prime contractor Lockheed Martin. Other joint developments include the United States Marine Corps AV-8B Harrier II and the US Navy T-45 Goshawk. Both nations also operate several common designs, including the Javelin anti-tank missile, M270 rocket artillery, the Apache gunship, and C-130 transport aircraft.
In either case the relationship often depends on the personal relations between British Prime Ministers and U.S. Presidents. The first example was the close relationship between Winston Churchill and Franklin Roosevelt who were in fact distantly related. Prior to their collaboration during World War II Anglo-American relations had been somewhat frosty. President Woodrow Wilson and Prime Minister David Lloyd George had enjoyed nothing that could be described as a special relationship, although Lloyd George's wartime Foreign Secretary, Arthur Balfour, got on well with Wilson during his time in the United States and helped convince a previously skeptical Wilson to enter the war. Churchill, himself half-American, spent much time and effort cultivating the relationship which paid dividends for the war effort though it cost Britain much of her wealth and ultimately her empire. Two great architects of the special relationship on a practical level were Field Marshal Sir John Dill and General George Marshall whose excellent personal relations and senior positions (Roosevelt was especially close to Marshall) oiled the wheels of the alliance considerably.
The links that were created during the war - such as the British military liaison officers posted to Washington - persist. However for Britain to gain any benefit from the relationship it became clear that a constant policy of personal engagement was required. Britain starting off in 1941 as somewhat the senior partner had quickly found itself the junior. The diplomatic policy was thus two pronged, encompassing strong personal support and equally forthright military and political aid. These two have always operated in tandem, that is to say the best personal relationships between British prime ministers and American presidents have always been those based around shared goals. For example, Harold Wilson's government would not commit troops to Vietnam. Harold Wilson and Lyndon Johnson did not get on especially well.
Highlights in the special relationship would include Harold Macmillan and John F. Kennedy or Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan. Nadirs have included Wilson's refusal to enter the war in Vietnam and the American government's lack of support for British operations in Suez under Anthony Eden. While the relationship between the two countries may have been strained by Reagan's neutrality in the initial phases of the Falklands War this was more than countered by the US Defense Secretary, Casper Weinberger, who approved shipments of the latest weapons to the massing British taskforce. Bill Clinton was poorly disposed towards John Major after it was alleged that the Conservative government had allowed his Republican opponents access to British documents detailing his time at Oxford University.
Recent events have served to highlight the nature of the special relationship by increasing the importance of Britain in relation to the US. Following the September 11th Attacks in New York and Washington DC, British Prime Minister Tony Blair flew to Washington. In a speech to the United States Congress, nine days after the attack, President Bush declared "America has no truer friend than Great Britain."Address to a Joint Session of Congress and the American People September 20, 2001 Following that speech Blair embarked on two months of diplomacy gathering international support for military action. The BBC estimates that, in total, the prime minister held 54 meetings with world leaders and travelled more than 40,000 miles (60,000 km).
President Bush also said Britain was America's "closest friend in the world" in a November 2003 in the Banqueting House in London. Of course President Bush also emphasises close ties to other countries, for example "We have no greater friend than Mexico" (September 2001), and "We have no better friend than Canada" (February 2002). Traditionally, a new president meets the leaders of the US's neighbours before those of other nations.
Prime Minister Tony Blair's involvement in the war in Iraq has damaged his standing at home (both in the country at large, and especially within his own party) and in Europe but will buttress the relationship at least to the end of his term in office due to the re-election of George W. Bush. It was supposed that Third Way/Clintonesque Blair and the Republican Bush would have little common ground but in fact their shared beliefs and responses to the international situation following 9/11 (their previous meetings were stiff and awkward) formed the commonality of purpose so important to the special relationship. Blair, like Bush was convinced of the importance of moving against the new threat both perceived to international order. Warm personal relations apparently followed.
The presidential election of 2004 presented Blair with a political dilemma. The Labour Party has traditional ideological links with the Democrats. Blair therefore, could not demonstrate any preference of candidate in the election. Although the majority of his party were backing Kerry, the Prime Minster was unable to voice such support for fear of damaging relations with Bush if he were to be re-elected. On the other hand, supporting Bush would have damaged links between Labour and the Democrats as well as infuriating a large proportion of backbench Labour MPs, many of whom are highly critical of Blair's relationship with Bush.
Most recently, in welcoming Bush's re-election in November 2004, Blair made clear that he expected a renewed effort in the Middle East peace process and a more sympathetic stance towards environmental issues. These issues will establish a benchmark against which Bush's willingness to galvanise American policy at British request can be measured and demonstrate whether Britain has actually made any political capital from its involvement in Iraq.
Gordon Brown, the British Chancellor,and expected successor to current Prime Minister Tony Blair is, perhaps surprisingly given his left-leaning policies and beliefs, a known Atlanticist (he frequently takes his holidays in the US) has made it clear in recent months that, should he become Prime Minister, he would follow a Blairite foreign policy. This has been seen in a speech confirming he would renew the British nuclear deterrent (http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/5103764.stm) and has also pledged to uphold the Special Relationship.
Foreign relations of the United Kingdom | Foreign relations of the United States
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