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A rave (sometimes referred to as a rave party) is an all-night dance event where DJs and other performers play electronic dance music and rave music. The slang expression rave was originally used by people of Caribbean descent in London during the 1960s to describe a party. In the late 1980s, the term began to be used to describe the subculture that grew out of the acid house movement that began in Chicago and New York and flourished in the United States and United Kingdom club scene.

The availability of drugs—particularly ecstasy—has caused raves to be targeted and criticized by law enforcement officials and parents' groups.

History

Mainstream raves began in the late 1980s as a product of, reaction to, and rebellion against, trends in popular music, nightclub culture, and commercial radio. See also list of noteworthy raves for more about specific events.

In an effort to maintain distance and secrecy from the mainstream club scene (or perhaps for lack of affordable, receptive venues), warehouses, rental halls, and outside locations most often served as raves' venues. In an effort to control and curtail rave parties, some police and governmental bodies effectively outlawed raves in some areas. Such laws consequently forced regional electronic dance music events to move to formal venues, such as nightclubs and amphitheatres. Some venues and jurisdictions additionally prohibited certain types of rave fashion and paraphernalia.

Early raves were completely do it yourself; only a small number of people contributed to event production and promotion. Self-styled production and promotion companies have increasingly organized raves; the "companies" were usually unofficial or loosely defined. Some of the more well-known rave promotion companies have included Brotherhood of Boom, Mushgroove, Freebass Society, and Pure. The companies promote their events by creating and distributing fliers and online bulletins.

As law enforcement agencies increasingly began paying attention to raves, concealing a party's location became important to an event's success. To that end, event organizers sometimes either promoted events solely by word-of-mouth, or would only reveal the date and location of the event to subscribers of an electronic mailing list or via voicemail. Some even went so far as to provide a series of clues or map checkpoints that ultimately led to the location of the rave.

1980s

What could arguably be called raves existed in the early 1980s in the Ecstasy-fueled club scene in clubs like NRG, in Houston, and in the drug-free, all-ages scene in Detroit at venues like The Music Institute. However, it was not until the mid to late 1980s that a wave of psychedelic and other electronic dance music, most notably acid house and techno, emerged and caught on in the clubs, warehouses and free-parties around London and later Manchester. These early raves were called the Acid House Summers. They were mainstream events that attracted thousands of people (up to 25,000 instead of the 4,000 that came to earlier warehouse parties) to come, dance and take ecstasy.

The noise and disturbance of thousands of people appearing unannounced at rural locations caused outrage in the national media. Politicians spoke out against raves and increased the fine for holding an illegal party to £20,000 and six months in prison. This, along with ecstasy becoming scarce, ended the early raves.

Police crackdowns on these often-illegal parties drove the scene into the countryside. The word "rave" somehow caught on to describe these semi-spontaneous weekend parties occurring at various locations outside the M25 Orbital motorway. (It was this that gave the band Orbital their name.)

The early rave scene also flourished underground in some Canadian and U.S. cities such as Montreal, San Francisco and Los Angeles and as word of the budding scene spread, raves quickly caught on in other cities such as San Diego and New York City and in major urban centres across the European continent.

In several books about the evolution of the rave scene, Genesis P-Orridge of Psychic TV is often credited as being one of the earliest pioneers of the rave scene. Psychic TV released several early acid house albums, most notably Jack the Tab.

1990s: United Kingdom

Raves began to expand into a global phenomenon around 1989-1992, mostly on a grassroots basis: people who had travelled to attend the first raves in each region began setting up promotion companies, often informally, to organize their own parties. By the mid-1990s, major corporations were sponsoring events and adopting the scene's music and fashion for their "edgier" advertising, making the scene become more commercialized, in direct contrast to the anti-establishment groups who birthed the rave scene during the 1980s.

After a particularly large festival, when many individual sound systems such as Bedlam, Circus Warp, DIY, and Spiral Tribe set up near Castlemorton Common in May 1992 the government acted. In 1994, the United Kingdom's Criminal Justice Bill passed as the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994 which contained several sections designed to suppress the growing free party and anti-road protest movements (sometimes embodied by ravers and travellers).

Sections 63, 64 and 65 of the Act targeted electronic dance music, defining it as "wholly or predominantly characterised by the emission of a succession of repetitive beats". The Criminal Justice and Public Order Act empowered police to arrest citizens who appeared to be in the process of preparing to hold a rave (viz., two or more people), waiting for a rave to start (10+), or attending a rave (100+). Section 65 allows any uniformed constable who believes a person is on their way to a rave within a five-mile radius to stop them and direct them away from the area; noncompliant citizens may be subject to a maximum fine of £1,000.

Raves were also overshadowed in the press after the deaths of Leah Betts and Anna Wood, teenagers who died after taking ecstasy; journalists emphasized on the drug use of the victims, even though both victims died of water intoxication.

1990s: Europe

Rave culture was becoming part of a new youth movement. DJs and electronic music producers such as Westbam proclaimed the existence of a "raving society" and promoted electronic music as legitimate competition for rock and roll. Indeed, electronic dance music and rave subculture became mass movements. Raves had tens of thousands of attendants, youth magazines featured styling tips and television networks launched music magazines on house and techno music. The annual Love Parade festivals in Berlin attracted more than one million partygoers between 1997 and 2000.

Raves had also spread to far away places, such as Australia. In Australia the Melbourne Shuffle dance style has evolved over the last 15 years. American dancers started doing liquid dancing at this time.

2000s

In the early 2000s illegal parties still existed, albeit on smaller scales, and the number of sanctioned events seemed to be on the rise. The few constants in the scene include amplified electronic dance music, a vibrant social network built on the ethos of the acronym PLUR, "Peace, Love, Unity, and Respect", percussive music and freeform dancing as a basis for drug use, and an ambivalent attitude toward "club drugs" such as ecstasy, methamphetamine, speed and ketamine, also known as "special K." However, increased cocaine usage, preponderance of adulterated ecstasy tablets and organized criminal activity has been detrimental to UK-based rave culture, although free parties are now on the rise again.

According to some long-time observers, rave music and its subculture began to stagnate by the end of the 1990s. The period of grassroots innovation and explosive growth and evolution was over; the flurry of passionate activity and the sense of international community were fading.

By the early 2000s, the terms "rave" and "raver" had fallen out of favor among many people in the electronic dance music community, particularly in Europe. Many Europeans returned to identifying themselves as "clubbers" rather than ravers. It became unfashionable among many electronic dance music affectionados to describe a party as a "rave," perhaps because the term had become overused and corrupted. Some communities preferred the term "festival," while others simply referred to "parties." True raves, such as "Mayday," continued to occur for a time in Central Europe, with less constrictive laws allowing raves to continue in some countries long after the death of rave in the United Kingdom. Moreover, traditional rave paraphernalia, such as facemasks, pacifiers, and glowsticks ceased to be popular.

Raves and ravers continued to be vilified by government authorities. For example, following a July 2005 violent raid by police on CzechTek, an annual techno music festival, the Czech Republic's Prime Minister said the festival's attendees were "no dancing children but dangerous people" and that many were "obsessed people with anarchist proclivities and international links," who "provoke massive violent demonstrations, fueled by alcohol and drugs, against the peaceful society." *

As with any trend that runs on for more than a decade, the Rave scene has recently been harking back to the old days of warehouse parties, with a surge in "old school" club nights, particularly in the Jungle scene, with DJs and producers who had dropped out of the business playing sets of music from the founding days of their genre, and producing new records in that style. Clubs are increasingly going back to the grimy days of warehouses in terms of styling, rather than the interior designed venues of the late 90s.

In the northeastern United States, during the mid-2000s, the popularity of Goa (or psy-trance) increased tremendously. This is due to the fact that acceptance was never questioned in the sub-rave culture of Goa, and that this culture represents their selves as a community not a scene. With the warehouse party scene, the trend is also restarting; This contrary belief in the early 2000's was that 2002 would mark the end of the rave (known as party scene at the time), and the scene was over. 2006 is being marked as the renaissance of the underground electronic culture.

Also see: Hardcore Breaks

US Rave culture

The upsurge in popularity of rave culture in the United States at a certain period in time often lends it characteristics common to a 'movement' or subculture. While raves have existed in the United States as long as in any other country, the sudden explosion of mainstream popularity in the late nineties led to more common approaches to defining rave culture as a youth movement. Because the movement and music both embrace and incorporate so many different elements, a common thread can be hard to find. Further, some of the descriptions are only appropriate to groups within the US.

Some of the central tenets of the culture are said to be:

  • Acceptance - to avoid judging or condemning other people's style of clothes, hair, makeup, costume, sexual orientation, musical preference, race, age, gender, class or income. This contrasts many other subcultures that build exclusivity versus other groups.
  • Openness - to avoid convincing anyone of the rightness or wrongness associated with most human activity outside the rave and instead seeking harmony.
  • Positivity - to subscribe to the notion that if something makes someone happy without hurting someone else (loosely akin to Mill's Harm Principle), then that something is okay. Accordingly, fights or scuffles at a rave are rare, and the atmosphere itself is welcoming and loving.

While a consistent presence at many raves, this usually lacks a name. One given to these themes and a semi-philosophical tenet of rave culture is the acronym "PLUR", for Peace, Love, Unity, Respect, focusing on the elements important to the culture. This is terminology is found particularly irritating by a large number of clubgoers, many of whom have hope it will fade away and be replaced by better marketing terminology for positive thinking. As of yet, none has emerged. This particular 'philosophy' was also central to the early rave scene in the UK.

American ravers, following their early UK & European brothers and sisters, have been compared to both the hippies of the 1960s and the new wavers of the 1980s, due to their interest in non-violence and music.

Technology is, by definition, central to electronic music, and technological innovation has influenced rave subculture in many ways. For example, since loud music made it difficult to converse at raves, virtual communities are extremely important in rave subculture. Also, access to various affordable computer technologies empowered amateurs to compose or manipulate electronic music.

In contrast to many other "youth cultures," older people are often active members of the U.S. scene and are well represented at events. Certain facets of dance music culture in the UK, Europe and globally are also welcoming to the older generation (especially the free party / squat party / gay scenes), however rave and club culture remains on the whole very much a youth-driven movement in terms of its core fanbase.

Although rave parties are commonly associated with illegal activities (e.g. drug use), it should be noted that raves themselves are legal gatherings. Although drug use tends to be pervasive at many raves, drug use isn't, strictly speaking, a necessary part of the rave experience.

There is a common conception among some parts of the country, especialy the North East, that raves were a 1990s fad, with the common quip "People still go to raves?" Additionaly, there is the view that raves only happen in the midwest because there is nothing else to do.

Dance

At U.S. rave parties, dance tricks of all kinds are very popular. However, these tricks are not always entirely safe and can sometimes lead to damages (to both people and property), so they are not always tolerated by the organizers of the rave. The rules for what kind of tricks are allowed vary from party to party.

Types of ravers

The following are loosely defined stereotypes generated by the U.S. rave community. They are generalized, inconclusive, and are not necessarily complete or current.

  • Gumby Raver - A relatively old-schooler who has made big appearances on the rave scene in early to mid rave days, always on drugs (mostly hallucinogens). Is nowdays only found every now and then at indoor raves but a fond member of the all-night outdoor doofs.

  • Groovers - generally listen to hard house or happy hardcore, a kind of electronic music with faster tempo and beats. Dancing between two groovers is called "battling." This is to show off moves and different combinations for respect among the other groovers.

  • Old school raver - refers to someone who has been a raver for some time, whereas a baby raver or a newbie refers to someone who is new to raving or at their first rave. Old school ravers are sometimes called pure ravers or true ravers or partykids. Something can be rave or have raveness.

  • Jaded raver - one who has been in the rave scene for a long time or someone who is growing tired of 'the scene' and raving. They may be annoyed at what the raving experience has become, or they may be lackadaisical about certain aspects of raving that they once held a fondness for. Quite often a jaded raver will not appreciate the influx of new ravers into the scene, because the new ravers are viewed as contributing to the scene's decay. Most of the time, they will either give up raving or their jaded attitude (which eventually, logically, has to apply to not going to raves at all, in which case, they can move onto the next trendy "scene," such as the hip hop scene, or even further down the rave/electronica sub-culture, such as "househeads" and "junglists").

  • Club kids - the self proclaimed "original" ravers and nightlife circuit attenders, predominantly a major urban center (New York City, Miami, Los Angeles, etc.) culture type. Most club kids came from the early gay and house music scenes, many are transgender or crossdress. The most famous examples of "club kids" would likely be Michael Alig, the convicted murderer and subject of the 2003 movie Party Monster, or RuPaul, arguably the world's most famous drag queen.

  • Candy raver, Candykid or Kandikid - often wears brightly colored and child-like fashions such as day-glo wide-leg pants (aka phat pants), black light-reactive or glow-in-the-dark bracelets/necklaces, fur pets and t-shirts featuring cartoon characters. Candy ravers or candykids wear homemade bracelets and necklaces made of plastic, glass, or felt beads or candy. They are often found exchanging or giving out small gifts. These small gifts will usually be hugs, toys, glowsticks, CDs, necklaces, bracelets, and/or candy.

  • Junglist - refers to a sub-culture of the rave scene defined by drum and bass and jungle music. Many Junglists detest mainstream rave music and prefer darker and deeper vibes. Many junglists differentiate themselves from 'ravers' owing to the public/mass media connotations of the word. Many jungalists dress in a more militant or urban fashion: many wear either hip hop influenced clothing or camouflage / military influenced clothing. Junglists are generally seen as more jaded, angry, and aggressive than other ravers but that’s not always the case. This term died out in the UK circa 1996, and its continued use amongst certain Americans generates a degree of amusement amongst the British contingent. In addition, UK fans of drum and bass / jungle are only to happy to term events 'raves' and describe themselves as, if not 'ravers', then most certainly 'going raving', 'going to a rave'. Camouflage is definitely a fashion 'no-no' in UK drum and bass clubs / raves, as is any military clothing.

  • Dark raver or Graver - the raving equivalent of a goth. Gravers tend to wear darker clothing and makeup and frequent events called dark raves. Like Junglists they tend to enjoy darker music and atmosphere. There is some overlap between the dark rave scene and the industrial and EBM scene. "Traditional" goths occasionally hold distaste for gravers, as they prefer dark electronic music, or "electrosludge" as detractors have termed it, over the more traditional gothic rock. Some go as far to say that bands popular with gravers are causing decay in the goth subculture by flooding scenes with more easily produced music.

  • Cyber kids - Sometimes considered a hacker, but in the rave scene they are somewhat of a mix of a candy kid and a graver. They will often wear the baggy pants with straps and accessories common to the graver, but they choose the tight or loose fitting colorful shirts of the candy kids. Unlike most gravers they do not think themselves too good to dance, but in contrast they indulge in the feeling of the music and dance to their heart's content. They generally wear some "candy" and/or bead-based jewelry, but not an abundance noteworthy of the candy kids. They tend to choose colors more somber than the candy kids, but brighter and more lively than the gravers do. Some carry a stuffed toy and other peripherals that would mark the candy kids, but also wear the spikes and straps common of gravers. Some cyber kids, like candy kids, give hugs/candy/toys/etc. to people for no apparent reason. UV-reactant hair extensions, often made of plastic, rubber and/or yarn, are very common to both female and male cybers.

  • E-tard A primarily pejorative or derogatory term used to refer to ravers under the obvious or apparent influence of illegal drugs, most commonly ecstasy, but may also apply to people affected by acid, 5-Meo-DIPT and/or GHB. The term is actually a play on the word "retard," where the "E" (short name for ecstasy in many regions) replaces the "re." E-tards usually dress in the style of Candy Kids and can often be seen sucking a pacifier to calm the teeth-grinding side effect of ecstasy use. They may also prefer to settle far away from the music in calmer and more soothing areas known as "roll piles" (also known as "cuddle puddles," or "chill rooms") while under the effect of the drugs.

  • Goaheads or psytrancers, a subculture that grew out of raves that is centered around parties which primarily play Goa trance (outdoor parties are usually preferred among Goaheads). These kind of ravers are generally more "hippy"-like in dress and philosophy, and sometimes prefer to distance themselves from the "rave" scene, avoiding the term "rave" when referencing their parties and culture, even though there is some crossover in philosophy, music, and origins of the subculture. The psytrance scene tends to be especially cosmopolitan, with many major multi-day festivals being located in foreign countries with no local psy-trance scene (e.g. India, specifically Goa, the namesake of the genre, even though very few locals have an interest in the music which bears the name of their province) and even when there is a local interest in the scene there tends to be a disproportionately international crowd. This scene is larger than other rave sub-scenes in some countries such as Israel, Brazil, South Africa, Japan and Scandinavian countries, although there are smaller scenes in many other countries.

  • Polo Raver - A common type of raver dress style that became popular around 1995 until about 2000, particularly in the New England area and New York City. This style was typified by both male and female partygoers dressed in an oversized preppy-like clothing style, most commonly Polo Sport by Ralph Lauren (although Nautica and Tommy Hilfiger were also commonplace). The branded clothing would be combined with large pants, the bottoms of which would usually encircle and cover a Polo Raver's shoes completely. In the early days of the Polo raver style, it was common for ravers to make their own pairs of big pants, usually made by sewing in 'inserts' into an existing pair of pants using the same style of fabric. Later in the decade, companies like Kikwear, JNCO, and Auraz-E produced this style of pants that one could purchase pre-made. This sort of warped-preppy dressed-up uniformity of the Polo raver style gradually fell out of popularity beginning in 2000 as an influx of newer ravers dressed in the "candy raver" style emerged in the Northeast.

Glowsticking

Some ravers participate in a light-oriented dance called glowsticking, and a similar dance called glowstringing, lightshowing or poi (that is, fire-spinning, but with glowsticks instead of fiery rope and lamps). These dances, however, are independent of the raving community, and often the stereotyped association may be resented. Glowsticks (or "light sticks") in the dark stimulate the pupils, and it is claimed that they relieve the unfavorable side effects of ecstasy, such as muscle tension. Therefore at some rave places they are presented as "safety materials." In some cases, the sale of glowsticks during rave parties has been presented as evidence of illegal drug use. Glowsticks have been considered drug paraphernalia because they are used in giving someone on ecstasy a "lightshow." The recipient of the lightshow can sit, stand, or lay on the ground facing the show giver who moves the glow sticks away and towards the face of the recipient in various stylized movements. This lightshow is sometimes accompanied by a massage, a vibrator and/or by blowing mentholated vapours into the nose, mouth, and eyes of the recipient. This is intended to increase the effects of ecstasy.

Other types of lightshows include LED lights, flashlights and blinking strobe lights. LEDs come in various colors with different settings. For example, a slow light will produce a line of dots, while a strong light will produce an even line. There are many techniques used to make the lights "flow" with the music in order to "trip" the person who is receiving. The most basic lightshow move is the figure-eight followed by the circle. There are also combination methods where the lightshower holds a glowstick in each hand as well as LED lights.

Regardless, glowsticks and LEDs can be used at raves for interesting dance effects, because most raves (except some open air raves, e.g. technoparades) are held in dark or nearly dark rooms. Because rave parties are popular with people who wish to show off their dancing, glowsticks can be an ancillary material for creative freestyle dance.

Drug use

In the U.S. the subculture has been branded by the mainstream media and law enforcement agencies as a purely drug-centric culture similar to the hippies of the 1960s. As a result, ravers have been effectively run out of business in many areas (Media Awareness Project). Although they continue in major coastal cities like New York and LA, and notably the Winter Music Conference in Florida, most other areas have been relegated to word-of-mouth-only underground parties and nightclub events. In some parts of Europe, raves are common and mainstream, although they are now more often known as "festivals," highlighting multiple acts over a several-day period, and often including non-dance music acts.

Groups that have addressed drug use at raves include the Electronic Music Defense and Education Fund (EMDEF), The Toronto Raver Info Project, and DanceSafe, all of which advocate harm reduction approaches. Paradoxically, drug safety literature (such as those distributed by DanceSafe) are used as evidence of condoned drug use (EMDEF press release). Other groups, such as Drug Free America Foundation, Inc., characterize raves as being rife with gang activity, rape, robbery, and drug-related deaths. *

In 2005, Antonio Maria Costa, Executive Director of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, advocated drug testing on highways as a countermeasure against drug use at raves *.

Drug use however, is not at the center of rave culture. Members of the culture pride themselves in their love for electronic music, peace, respect and unity. Those who come to the party for the specific act of purchasing or consuming illegal drugs are not considered true ravers as defined by the culture, and are looked down upon and chastised. The drug use has created a negative image for the culture. Those dedicated to the spread of the music and the culture that surrounds that music are trying to move away from that negativity.

Australian Rave culture

The Sydney rave scene is often viewed as merely a cheap imitation of the movement found in Europe and the US. This view is too simplistic and does not consider the means by which Sydney has constructed its own interpretation and meaning. There are however a few authors who have contributed valuable documentation of the evolving Sydney rave scene. The event that is generally regarded as the earliest formation of the dance party scene in Sydney is the Sleaze Ball, which occurs as part of the Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras 1998:27. This early incarceration of rave culture can be seen as an example of a subordinated group negotiating its position in terms of the hegemony of dominant society as Hebdige described it. Their subordination and continual clashes with the police contributed to a powerful, pent-up frustration which round its releases in this event & Herman, 2003: 250. The rhetoric of acceptance and unity followed through into the inner city warehouse based rave culture. These environments were accepting of “polymorphous sexuality” 1998:28, celebrated difference and moved the emphasis away from dance as a form of pick-up to an individual form of creative expression.

1992 is often regarded by older ravers, as the year that Sydney rave scene exploded. It was considered underground by its adherents. An editor of 3D World magazine wrote in 1998

One of the fun parts of the early parties...was that they were doing something underground...their friends didn’t know about it, their parents were clueless and hey the governing bodies didn’t know what was going on.
The group was thus integrated through a feeling that each member was involved in something new and relatively secret. The philosophy of PLUR (Peace, Love, Unity & Respect) which originated in the Acid House movement in Britain spread through the scene in Sydney and played an important role in producing an environment of tolerance and acceptance at raves. Brookman describes the “heterogeneous rhythm techno music uniting dancers regardless of their race, class, age, gender or sexuality” Divisions within the scene first rose around and after Christmas 1993, when a fatal car accident involving ravers returning from Happy Valley 2 received substantial media attention [Brookman, 1993:30. This was the first time the media introduced the word rave into dominant society. From a post-structural perspective, this represented the first stage of incorporation. This had a dual impact on the scene: on one hand it grew due to increased exposure, on the other it shrunk down to around 1000 of the ‘original’ ravers who continued to attend parties. This is evidence of the diffusion process occurring. DJ Jim Jams noted that in 1994 there appeared a clearer distinction between “the core of the rave scene” and people who “didn’t really know anything about it” comm., 2003. This distinction became even more pronounced following the highly publicised death of Anna Woods.
When Anna died and the media made such a story of it, the rave scene was changed unbelievably within a few months. What the general public didn’t realise is it was probably the biggest advertisement the rave scene had ever had. Before Anna’s death maybe 20% of all the youth in Sydney knew what a rave was. After her death, about 80% knew. [DJ Daniel Midian

A distinction emerged between these two groups in terms of musical taste (‘old skool’ vs ‘new skool’), attitudes towards PLUR and expression of group identification (through clothes and other accessories). DJ Daniel Midian explains this distinction at a more detailed level:

The scene itself goes through a metamorphosis every * years. What I mean is that the number of newer ravers begins to outnumber those who have been raving for 2 years. The newer majority often has different tastes and ideals to the older one, so inevitably the old skool vs new skool debate begins again, which always results in the majority of older ravers thinking that its not what it used to be and leaving.

The newer ravers, therefore become the ‘core’ of the scene. This cycle has repeated itself a number of times, but can be generalised (somewhat arbitrarily) into 3 waves since the inception of raving in Sydney to the current day. For ease of discussion, these 3 waves can be labelled ‘Old Skool Ravers’, ‘New Skool Ravers’ and ‘Candy Ravers’ respectively. These 3 waves can be differentiated from each other in terms of their values, style and consumption. Their patterns of consumption are of most importance to this discussion and so have been briefly outlined here. ‘Old Skool Ravers’ placed little emphasis on appearance - the standard uniform was “shorts, singlets and sneakers” a number of older ravers agreed and there was little evidence of commodification. The ‘New Skool Ravers’ brought with them a code of authenticity and credibility, in terms of style, attitude and musical tastes. A number of ravers that clearly identified themselves as part of this second wave, indicated that they would spend up to $100 on clothes for raves. Common brands cited were Rushn, NRG, Mooks, Diesel, Lee, and Levi. These were also the first ravers to begin wearing, in substantial numbers t-shirts displaying sabotaged logos. Therefore, for this group at least, certain brands and labels carry a message of group identification.

Candy Ravers usually dress up in wild clothes consisting of bright colours, fluffly leg warmers for the girls and ‘phat’ (excessively flared) pants for the guys; they litter themselves with candy bracelets and necklace, are notorious for having a dummy hanging round their neck to suck on when their jaw starts clenching (a side-effect from Ecstasy) and carry around stuffed toys and other kiddy paraphernalia. They are also the major users of glow sticks and are regarded as having started the Chupa Chup phenomenon. Chupa Chups, offer a salient means of identification for this group. Some 71% of ravers indicated that they sometimes or always purchase chupa chups for raves. These two items represent what Hebdige refers to as the magical appropriation of “humble objects” Brookman, 1998:51 that express resistance in a form of code, and act to reinforce the ‘subordinate’ status of the group.

Raves as resistance

Although it is popular in the literature to conceive rave as a hedonistic escape from reality, some researchers (and many participants) see it as transcendent. Rushkoff * describes the experience:

A thousand kids, wearing no style in particular, dancing sexily, rhythmically or even just spasmodically, committed themselves to pushing through until dawn and beyond. Maybe it was the drugs. Or maybe they were on to something.
The original raves were about resistance to the prevailing ideologies of the time. The beauty of a rave, Rushkoff * says “is the freedom it offers from values systems”. Methods of resistance included:
  • Illegal nature of raves: While much of the literature 1993; Farley, 2000; Robischon, 2000, etc focuses on the illegal nature of raves, in terms of resistance, this is probably the least subversive aspect of rave culture. Practices such as taking drugs and breaking and entering are not tantamount to raves. The other forms of resistance are much more important.
  • Disconnection from the cycle of consumption: The early rave parties could only be described as a “gift economy” 1999:37. Groups would form spontaneously, gathering enough money to rent a sound system and print up some flyers. While the cops and government officials hated the idea of kids doing drugs and making noise in abandoned spaces, business hated it even more. The young people who should be buying alcohol, Top 40 records and paying for admittance to the disco were instead participating in an alternative economy, taking drugs, listening to remix tapes and driving to the country 1999:37. The music industry in particular was nonplussed. Unlike most musical events, the stage is absent in underground raves. The DJ is anonymous and “the vast majority of records seem to be unknown to the dancers at events” inOtt & Herman, 2003: 254. They disrupted the notion of artist and corresponding commercialism. This was what made the original raves so revolutionary. The youth had separated themselves from the cycle of consumption.
  • De-individuation and loss of self-control resulting in loss of social controls imposed on the body: In an era where the individual ruled, and “citizenship became a metaphor for media audiences rather than a discussion of rights and responsibilities” 2002:22 rave re-collectivised disparate selves. Barthes Ott & Herman, 2003:260 referred to this as “jouissance”, the loss of self, typified by the being-together of bodies in a state of ecstasy. This was the first part of their resistance. The body, explains Fiske Ott & Herman, 2003:260 is one of the key sites of social control. This social control, however, relies, to some extent, on self-control. When one loses this self-control, one is resisting the social control imposed on it.
  • Appropriation of space and liberation of an area through music and dancing: Ingham, Purvis and Clarke introduce the idea of the rave or dance party as a Temporary Autonomous Zone, derived from Bey, referring to an anarchistic notion of an uprising which liberates an area, and dissolves itself (to reform in another place or time) before the state can crush it. Their study focuses primarily on the transformation of industrial warehouses into venues in Blackburn, Lancashire, during the acid house explosion of the late 1980s. This appropriation of space and liberation of an area through music and dancing can be considered the means by which the rave resists ...something....
  • Opposition of values imposed by the dominant culture, specifically that of ‘sexualised’ individuals and age appropriate behaviour: Pini Brookman, 1998: 25 although conceding that the role of women in the cultural production of raves (flyers, events, DJing etc) may be limited, suggests that women’s involvement in raves has in many ways been “liberating”. In particular she refers to an “undoing” of the traditional (western) cultural associations between “dancing, drugged, ‘dressed up’ women and sexual invitation”. Specifically she refers to the fact that the rave is constructed as a non sexual zone. This is indicative of the construction of values at odds with those of the dominant culture. Furthermore, the prevalence of suckers, pacifiers, children’s backpacks, t-shirts featuring cartoons and the possession of stuffed toys acts as resistance to the expectation that youth, in their transition from childhood to adulthood, should be growing up and resuming a mantle of maturity.

See also

References

  • Collin, Matthew Altered States: The Story of Ecstasy and Acid House London: 1997 : Serpent's Tail -- How rave dances began in Manchester, England in the Summer of 1988 (the "Summer of Love") and the aftermath

Films

Including some elements or descriptions of Rave culture.

External links

Parties | Subcultures | Electronic music | Dance culture

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This article is licensed under the GNU Free Documentation License. It uses material from the "Rave".

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