A flat tax (short for flat rate tax or proportional tax) taxes all household income, and possibly corporates profits as well, at the same marginal rate. A flat tax usually refers to the taxation of incomes but can be applied to consumption.
Flat taxes are uncommon in advanced economies, whose nationwide taxes typically include a graduated tax on household incomes and corporate profits, such that the marginal tax rate rises as the income or profit of the taxed entity rises. Flat taxes, implemented as well as proposed, exempt from tax household income below a statutorily determined level that is a function of the type and size of the household. As a result, a flat marginal rate is entirely consistent with a progressive average tax rate. Otherwise, all income or consumption is taxed at the same marginal rate.
After World War I, a progressive income tax was introduced in the majority of countries to fund increased government spending for social programmes and, in particular, large scale wars. In more recent years, some people have come to the conclusion that very high tax rates for the highest income classes are useless: the taxpayers, especially the rich and mobile ones, evade these taxes. However, proponents of high taxes such as George Monbiot claim that they have worked quite well in, for example, Sweden, although detractors claim that Sweden's government programs are becoming a drain on its economy.
The flat tax has made something of a "comeback" in recent years. In the USA, former House Majority Leader Dick Armey and FreedomWorks have sought grassroots support for the flat tax. Overseas, policymakers have had greater success. This is largely as a result of its application in several countries of the former Eastern Bloc, where it is generally thought to have been successful, although this assessment has been disputed (see below) Flat-Tax Comeback Bruce Bartlett, National Review, November 10, 2003. This has attracted much interest in countries such as the US, where it has gone hand in hand with a general swing towards conservative politics Cameron is no moderate, Neil Clark, The Guardian October 24, 2005.
The countries that have recently reintroduced flat taxes have done so largely in the hope of boosting economic growth. The Baltic countries of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania have had flat taxes of 24%, 25% and 33% respectively with a tax exempt amount, since the mid-1990s. On 1 january2001, a 13% flat tax on personal income took effect in Russia. Ukraine followed Russia with a 13% flat tax in 2003. Slovakia introduced a 19% flat tax on most taxes (that is, on corporate and personal income, for VAT etc., almost without exceptions) in 2004; Romania introduced a 16% flat tax on personal income and corporate profit on January 1 2005.
In the United States, while the Federal income tax is progressive, five states — Illinois, Indiana, Massachusetts, Michigan and Pennsylvania — tax household incomes at a single rate, ranging from 3% (Illinois) to 5.3% (Massachusetts). Pennsylvania even has a pure flat tax with no zero-bracket amount.
On 27 September 2005, the Dutch Council of Economic Advisors recommended a flat rate of 40% for income tax in the Netherlands. Some deductions would be allowed, and persons over 65 years of age would be taxed at a higher rate.
In the United States, proposals for a flat tax at the federal level have emerged repeatedly in recent decades during various political debates. Jerry Brown, former Democratic Governor of California, made the adoption of a flat tax part of his platform when running for President of the United States in 1992. At the time, rival candidate Tom Harkin ridiculed the proposal as having originated with the "Flat Earth Society". Four years later, Republican candidate Steve Forbes proposed a similar idea as part of his core platform. Although neither captured his party's nomination, their proposals prompted widespread debate about the current U.S. income tax system.
Flat tax plans that are presently being advanced in the United States also seek to redefine "sources of income"; current progressive taxes count interest, dividends and capital gains as income, for example, while Steve Forbes's variant of the flat tax would apply to wages only.
In 2005 Senator Sam Brownback, a Republican from Kansas, stated he had a plan to implement a flat tax in Washington DC. This version is one flat rate of 15% on all earned income, unearned income (in particular capital gains) would be exempt. Furthor more, his plan also calls for an exemption of $30,000 per family and $25,000 for singles. MississippiRepublican Senator Trent Lott stated he supports it and would add a $5,000 credit for first time home buyers and exemptions for out of town businesses. DC Delegate Eleanor Holmes Norton's position seems unclear, however DC mayor Athony Williams has stated he is "open" to the idea.
Flat taxes have also been considered in the United Kingdom by the Conservative party. However, it has been roundly rejected by Gordon Brown, Chancellor of the Exchequer for Britain's ruling Labour Party, who said that it was "An idea that they say is sweeping the world, well sweeping Estonia, well a wing of the neo-conservatives in Estonia", and criticised it thus: "The millionaire to pay exactly the same tax rate as the young nurse, the home help, the worker on the minimum wage" Gordon Brown's speech to the Labour party conference September 26, 2005.
While campaigning for the American presidency in 1996 and 2000, Steve Forbes called for replacing the income tax by a tax at the flat rate of 17% on consumption, defined as income minus savings, in excess of an amount determined by the type and size of the household. For example, the exempt amount for a family of four would be $42,000 per year.
A "pure" flat tax being admittedly hard to sell, "modified" flat taxes have been proposed which would allow deductions for a very few items, while still eliminating the vast majority of existing deductions. Charitable deductions and home mortgage interest are the most discussed exceptions, as these are popular with voters and often used. However, according to "Flat tax fiasco" by economist Douglas Dunn, this is not a true flat tax.
The Negative Income Tax (NIT) Milton Friedman proposed in his 1962 Capitalism and Freedom is a type of flat tax. Under an NIT, the flat tax rate and the deduction system would be quite similar to those of other flat tax programs. The basic idea is the same as a flat tax with personal deductions, except that when deductions exceed income, taxable income is allowed to be negative rather than set to 0. The flat rate is then applied to the resulting "negative income," resulting in a "negative income tax" the government owes the household, unlike the usual "positive" income tax, which the household owes the government.
For example, let the flat rate be 20%, and let the deductions be $20,000 per adult and $7,000 per dependent. Under such a system, a family of four making $54,000 a year would owe no tax. A family of four making $74,000 a year would owe tax amounting to 0.2(74,000-54,000) = $4,000, as under a flat tax with deductions. But families of four earning less than $54,000 per year would owe a "negative" amount of tax (that is, it would receive money from the government). E.g., if it earned $34,000 a year, it would receive a check for $4,000.
The NIT is intended to replace not just the USA income tax, but also many benefits low income American households currently enjoy, such as food stamps, Medicaid, etc. The NIT is designed to avoid what is called the welfare trap--effective high marginal tax rates arising from the rules reducing benefits as market income rises. Some of what the NIT seeks to achieve has already been achieved via the Earned Income Tax Credit. Some object to the way the NIT is, in effect, welfare without a work requirement. Those who would owe negative tax would be receiving a form of welfare without having to make a good faith effort to obtain employment. Others claim that the NIT effectively subsidizes industries employing low cost labour. The only answer to this objection is a true flat tax. Moreover, the NIT is no more a subsidy to low skill labour-intensive industry than extant benefits for the working poor.
None of the flat tax proposals in the U.S.A. approach a "true" flat tax. Most proposals still distinguish between "earned" and "unearned" income, and tax "earned income" more heavily. In addition, no flat tax proposes to replace the regressive FICA (Social Security) tax, which does not apply to "earned" income above $90,000 and unearned income. A "true" flat tax would address these shortcomings.
Proponents of the flat tax claim it is fairer than progressive taxation, since "everybody pays the same." Opponents point out that for the state to raise the same amount of money under a flat rate tax requires that the rich pay less and the poor pay more than they would under a progressive tax system. The issue comes down to how one defines "fair". Proponents claim that since everybody pays the same rate, it treats everyone equally and thus is "fair" to everyone. Opponents of the flat tax, on the other hand, claim that since the marginal value of income declines with the amount of income (the last $100 of income of a family living near poverty being obviously considerably more valuable than the last $100 of income of a millionaire), taxing that last $100 of income the same amount despite vast differences in the marginal value of money is "unfair". Many flat-tax proponents actually concede this premise since most proposals are not truly totally flat but have a threshold where income below that threshold is not taxed at all. Therefore, with the exception of flat-tax proponents who argue for no deductions and taxation of all income at one flat rate, both proponents and opponents agree in principle if not in degree with the basic premise of this concept.
Under a pure flat tax without deductions, companies could simply, every period, make a single payment to the government covering the flat tax liabilities of their employees and the taxes owed on their business income *. For example, suppose that in a given year, ACME earns a profit of $3 million, pays $2 million in salaries, and spends an added $1 million on other expenses the IRS deems to be taxable income, such as stock options, bonuses, and certain executive privileges. Given a flat rate of 15%, ACME would then owe the IRS (3M + 2M + 1M)x0.15 = $900,000. This payment would, in one fell swoop, settle the tax liabilities of ACME's employees as wells as taxes it owed by being a firm. Most employees throughout the economy would never need to interact with the IRS, as all tax owed on wages, interest, dividends, royalties, etc. would be withheld at the source. The main exceptions would be employees with incomes from personal ventures. The Economist claims that such a system would reduce the number of entities required to file returns from about 130 million individuals, households, and businesses, as at present, to a mere 8 million businesses and self-employed.
This simplicity would obtain even if, contrary to the spirit of the flat tax, realized capital gains were subject to the flat tax. In that case, the law would require brokers and mutual funds to calculate the realized capital gain on all sales and redemptions. If there were a gain, 15% of the gain would be withheld and sent to the IRS. If there were a loss, the amount would be reported to the IRS, which would offset gains with losses and settle up with taxpayers at the end of the period.
It is also argued that a flat tax will help lessen outsourcing, a growing problem in recent years, because under a flat tax, businesses will be able to pay taxes more easily and to deal with fewer IRS regulations.
The effect of a shift to flat taxation on charitable giving is unclear. Those whose after-tax incomes will rise under a flat tax may give more. On the other hand, the net of tax "price" of donating to charity will rise, which would discourage giving. A survey ranked tax deductibility #7 among the reasons people give for donating money to worthy causes .
The argument that corporations or wealthy persons might move to countries with lower taxes may seen irresistible at first blush, especially in a single country context. Yet how many wealthy people would gladly uproot their lives just to pay slightly less tax? Still, some claim it might lead to a race to the bottom in which countries compete to offer ever-lower taxes for the rich, so that the rich become ever richer, while the poor and middle classes, less mobile by assumption, are left to shoulder the entire cost of all government services. A consequence would be an ever-worsening under-funding and neglect of the public sector.
Opponents of lower taxes for the rich argue that the end result of this race to the bottom is social disintegration (see also failed state), a situation from which even the richest can not benefit. In order to prevent this, it is argued, it is the responsibility of local and national governments everywhere to ensure that the rich pay a fair share of the tax burden. Schemes such as "flat rate taxes", therefore, are said to be irresponsible at a global level, even if they may seem to grant a temporary advantage at a national level.
Social democrats in particular oppose flat tax schemes since they weaken the redistributive effect of progressive taxation. Irrespective of economic growth, a rise inequality is seen as undesirable in developed nations as it is linked to poorer health, higher crime and more social unrest (See economic inequality). Since the health of a population, for instance, takes many years to respond to economic realities, the negative effects of a flat tax may not be immediately observable.
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