In linguistics, prescription is the laying down or prescribing of normative rules for the use of a language, or the making of recommendations for effective language usage. It includes the mechanisms for establishing and maintaining an interregional language or a standardised spelling system. It can also include arbitrary declarations of what particular individuals consider to be good taste, and if these tastes are conservative, prescription may be (or appear to be) resistant to natural language evolution.
The description of language, which simply observes and describes how language is used in practice, is the basis of all linguistic research. Serious scholarly descriptive work is usually based on text or corpus analysis, or on field studies, but the term "description" includes each individual's observations of their own language usage. Descriptive linguistics eschews value judgments and makes no recommendations.
Prescription and description are often seen as opposites, in the sense that one declares how language should be while the other declares how language is. But they can also be complementary, and usually exist in a dynamic tension to each other. Most commentators on language show elements of both prescription and description in their thinking, and popular debate on language issues frequently revolves around the question of how to balance these.
Standardised languages are useful for interregional communication; speakers of divergent local dialects may understand a standard language used in broadcasting more readily than they would understand each other's. One can argue that such a lingua franca, if needed, will evolve by itself, but the desire to formulate and define it is very widespread in most parts of the world. Writers or communicators who wish to use words clearly, powerfully or effectively often use prescriptive rules to make their communications widely understood and unambiguous. The vast popularity of books providing advice on such matters shows that prescription meets a real, or at least widely perceived need.
However in some language communities, linguistic prescription can be regulated formally. The Académie française (French Academy) in Paris is an example of a widely respected national body whose recommendations, though not legally enforcable, carry great authority. In Germany and the Netherlands, recent spelling reforms were devised by teams of linguists commissioned by government, and were then implemented by statute. See for example German spelling reform of 1996. The Russian language was heavily prescribed during the Soviet period, deviations from the norm being purged by the Union of Soviet Writers.
Other kinds of authorities come into play in specific settings, such as publishers laying down a house style which, for example, may either prescribe or proscribe a serial comma.
When writing is introduced into a culture, new avenues for standards are opened. Written language is simply different from spoken language. It lacks voice tone and inflection, and other vocal features that serve to disambiguate speech; it therefore must be conservative in syntax and regular in form. Literary language is the specific register of written language. Writing contains features that disambiguate spoken words that might otherwise be identical; unlike spoken English, written English has no difficulty telling apart Gladly the Cross I'd bear from "Gladly, the cross-eyed bear". Florian Coulmas, The Writing Systems of the World (Blackwell, 1989) ISBN 0631180281
The introduction of writing also introduces new economies into language. A body of written texts represents a sunk cost; changes in written language threaten to make the body of preserved texts obsolete, so writing creates an incentive to preserve older forms. In many places, writing was introduced by religious authorities, and serves as a vehicle for the values held to be prestigious by those authorities. Alphabets tend to follow religions; whereever western Christianity has spread, so has the Latin alphabet, while Eastern Orthodoxy is associated with the Greek or Cyrillic alphabets, and Islam goes hand in hand with the Arabic alphabet. Similarly, the prestige of Chinese culture has preserved the usage of Chinese characters and caused their adaptation to the very different languages of Korea and Japan; the prestige of Chinese writing is such that, even when the Hangul alphabet was devised for Korean, the shapes of the letters were designed to fit the square frames of Chinese calligraphy. Coulmas, op. cit.
Bureaucracy is another factor that encourage prescriptive tendencies in language. When government centers arise, people acquire different forms of language which they use in dealing with the government, which may be seated far from the locality of the governed. Standard writs and other legal forms create a body of precedent in language that tends to be reused over generations and centuries. In more recent times, the effects of bureaucracy have been accelerated by the popularization of travel and telecommunications; people grow accustomed to hearing speech from distant areas. Eventually, these several factors encourage standards to arise; this phenomenon has been observed since ancient Egyptian, where the spelling of the Middle Kingdom was preserved well into the Ptolemaic period in the standard usage of Egyptian hieroglyphics.Allen, James P., Middle Egyptian - An Introduction to the Language and Culture of Hieroglyphs, (Cambridge University Press, 1999) ISBN 0521653126
All language in developed societies therefore tends to exist on a continuum of styles. Privileged language is used in legal, ceremonial, and religious contexts, and tends to be prized over local and private speech. Written styles necessarily differ from spoken language, given the different stratagems used to communicate in writing as opposed to speech. Where the discontinuity between a high and a low style of language becomes marked, a state of diglossia arises: here, the privileged language requires special study to master, and is not instantly intelligible to the untrained. The very difficulty of the systems inspires a preservationist urge, since instruction in them represents a large effort. The writer who has mastered Chinese calligraphy or English spelling has put a great deal of time into acquiring a skill, and is likely to resist its devaluation through simplification.
However, prescription also involves conscious choices, privileging some existing forms over others. Such choices are often strategic, to maximise clarity and precision in language use. Sometimes they may be based on entirely subjective judgments about what constitutes good taste. Sometimes there is a conscious decision to promote the language of one class or region within a language community, and this can become politically controversial - see below.
Sometimes prescription is motivated by an ethical position, as with the prohibition of swear words. The desire to avoid language which refers too specifically to matters of sexuality or toilet hygene may result in a sense that the words themselves are obscene. Similar is the condemnation of phrases which offend against religion, or more recently of language which is not considered politically correct.
It is sometimes claimed that in centuries past, English prescription was based on the norms of Latin grammar, but this doubtful. It is true that analogies with Latin were frequently used as substantiating arguments, but only when the forms being thus defended were in any case the norm in the prestige form of English.
Foreign language teaching is necessarily prescriptive. Here the students have no prior idiom of their own in the target language and are entirely focussed on the acquisition of norms laid down by others.
While most people would agree that some kinds of prescriptive teaching or advice are desirable, prescription easily becomes controversial. A number of issues pose potential pitfalls for prescriptivists.
One of the most serious of these is that prescription has a tendency to favour the language of one particular region or social class over others, and thus mitigates against linguistic diversity. Frequently a standard dialect is associated with the upper class, as for example Great Britain's Received Pronunciation. RP has now lost much of its status as the Anglophone standard, being replaced by the dual standards of General American and British NRP (non-regional pronunciation). While these have a more democratic base, they are still standards which exclude large parts of the English-speaking world: Scottish, Irish, Australian or African-American speakers of English may feel the standard is slanted against them. Thus prescription has clear political consequences. In the past, prescription was used consciously as a political tool; today, prescription usually attempts to avoid this pitfall, but this can be difficult to do.
A second problem with prescription is that prescriptive rules quickly become entrenched and it is difficult to change them when the language changes. Thus there is a tendency for prescription to be overly conservative. When in the early 19th century, prescriptive use advised against the split infinitive, the main reason was that this construction was not in fact a frequent feature of the varieties of English known to those prescribing. Today it has become common in most varieties of English, and a prohibition is no longer sensible. However, the rule endured long after the justification for it had disappeared. In this way, prescription can appear to be antithetical to natural language evolution, although this is usually not the intention of those formulating the rules.
A further problem is the difficulty of defining legitimate criteria. Although prescribing authorities almost invariably have clear ideas about why they make a particular choice, and the choices are therefore seldom entirely arbitrary, they often appear arbitrary to others who do not understand or are not in sympathy with the criteria. Judgments which seek to resolve ambiguity or increase the ability of the language to make subtle distinctions are easier to defend. Judgments based on the subjective associations of a word are more problematic.
Description is the process of observing language dispassionately. As in the natural sciences, scientific method requires the researcher to be independent of the conceptual categories suggested by prescriptive ideals and observe how language operates in reality. The purpose of scholarship is understood to be the observation and analysis of phenomena as they actually appear in the world. Nonstandard varieties are held to be no more or less correct than standard varieties, though it is recognised that many speakers of the latter look down on nonstandard forms.
Linguistic research has always been descriptive. Modern linguistic scholarship began in the 16th and 17th centuries with vast projects in lexicography which provided the data on which 18th and 19th century comparative work was based. However, the focus was mainly on classical languages, with the result that it was only in the early 20th century that serious descriptive work was done on modern languages. The development of field studies and other methods of analysing spoken as well as written language gave 20th century descriptive work an entirely new focus. This has occasionally led to the misconception that linguistic description per se was new, and that all previous work on language was prescriptive. In fact, description, the contemplation on observed language, is historically older than prescriptive normalisation of language and has logical priority to it.
Given any particular language controversy, prescription and description represent quite different, though not necessarily incompatible, approaches to thinking about it.
For example, a descriptive linguist working in English would describe the word ain't in terms of usage, distribution, and history, observing both the growth in its popularity but also the resistance to it in some parts of the language community. Prescription, on the other hand, would consider whether it met criteria of rationality, historical grammatical usage, or conformity to a contemporary standard dialect. When a form does not conform — as is the case for ain't — the prescriptivist will recommend avoiding it in formal contexts. Obviously these two approaches are not incompatible, and most people thinking about language see a place for both; they attempt different tasks for different purposes.
However, description and prescription can appear to be in conflict when stronger statements are made on either side. When an extreme prescriptivist wishes to condemn a very commonly used language phenomenon as solecism or barbarism or simply as vulgar, the evidence of description may testify to the acceptability of the form. This would be the case if someone wished to argue that ain't should not even be used in colloquial spoken English. Prescriptive statements will sometimes be heard which suggest that a word is inherently ugly; a descriptive approach will deny the meaningfulness of this judgment. In such instances of controversy, most linguists fall heavily on the descriptive side of the argument, accepting forms as correct or acceptable when they achieve general currency.
On the other hand, some adherents of a strongly descriptive approach may argue that prescription is always undesireable. Sometimes they see it as reactionary or stifling. A "pure descriptivist" believes that no language form can ever be incorrect and that advice on language usage is always misplaced. However this is a very rare position. Most of those who claim to oppose prescription per se are in fact only inimical to those forms of prescription not supported by current descriptive analysis.
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