Pilgrims or Pilgrim Fathers is the name commonly applied to early settlers of the Plymouth Colony. Their leadership came from a religious congregation who had fled a volatile political environment in the East Midlands of England for the relative calm of Holland in the Netherlands. Concerned with losing their cultural identity, the group later arranged with English investors to establish a new colony in North America. The colonists faced a lengthy series of challenges, from bureaucracy, impatient investors, and internal conflicts; to sabotage, storms, disease, and uncertain relations with the indigenous peoples. The colony, established in 1620, would ultimately succeed, the second to do so among several English attempts. Their story, often embellished, has become a central theme in United States cultural identity.
William Brewster, a former diplomatic assistant to the Netherlands then living in Scrooby, was serving as postmaster for the village and bailiff to the Archbishop of York, thus in residence at the Scrooby manor house. He had been participating in Separatist services led by John Smyth in Gainsborough, Lincolnshire, having earlier been favorably impressed by Clyfton's services.
The Separatists had long been controversial. Under the 1559 Act of Uniformity, it was illegal not to attend official Church of England services, with a fine of 12d (£.05; 2005 equivalent: about £5) for each missed Sunday and holy day. The penalties for conducting unofficial services included imprisonment and larger fines. Under the policy of this time, Barrowe and Greenwood were executed for sedition in 1593.
During much of Brewster's tenure (1595-1606), the Archbishop was Matthew Hutton. He displayed some sympathy to the Puritan cause, writing to Robert Cecil, Secretary of State to James I in 1604:
The Puritans (whose phantasticall zeale I mislike) though they differ in Ceremonies & accidentes, yet they agree wth us in substance of religion, & I thinke all or the moste pof them love his Ma*sente state, & I hope will yeild to conformitie. But the Papistes are opposite & contrarie in very many substantiall pointes of religion, & cannot but wishe the Popes authoritie & popish religion to be established.
It had been hoped that when James came to power, a reconciliation allowing independence would be possible, but that was not to be. The Hampton Court Conference of 1604 denied substantially all the concessions requested by Puritans, save for an English translation of the Bible.
Following the Conference, in 1605, Clyfton was declared a nonconformist and stripped of his position at Babworth. Brewster invited Clyfton to live at his home.
Upon Hutton's 1606 death, Tobias Matthew was elected as his replacement. Matthew, one of James' chief supporters at the 1604 conference, promptly began a campaign to purge the archdiocese of nonconforming influences, both separatists and papists. Disobediant clergy were replaced, and prominent Separatists were confronted, fined, and imprisoned. He is credited with driving recusants out of the country.
At about the same time, Brewster arranged for a congregation to meet privately at the Scrooby manor house. Beginning in 1606, services were held with Clyfton as pastor, John Robinson as Teacher and Brewster as the presiding Elder. Shortly thereafter, Smyth and members of the Gainsborough group moved on to Amsterdam.
Brewster is known to have been fined £20 (2005 equivalent: about £2000) in absentia for his noncompliance with the church. This followed his September 1607 resignation from the postmaster position, about the time that the congregation had decided to follow the Smyth party to Amsterdam.
Scrooby member William Bradford, of Austerfield, kept a journal of the congregation's events that would later be published as Of Plymouth Plantation. Of this time, he wrote:
But after these things they could not long continue in any peaceable condition, but were hunted & persecuted on every side, so as their former afflictions were but as flea-bitings in comparison of these which now came upon them. For some were taken & clapt up in prison, others had their houses besett & watcht night and day, & hardly escaped their hands; and ye most were faine to flie & leave their howses & habitations, and the means of their livelehood.
In the Columbia Encyclopedia, it is stated that "Although not actively persecuted, the group was subjected to ecclesiastical investigation and to the mockery, criticism, and disfavor of their neighbors." .
In a second departure attempt in the spring of 1608, arrangements were made with a Dutch merchant to pick up church members along the Humber estuary between Grimsby and Hull. The men had boarded the ship at which time the sailors spotted an armed contingent approaching. The ship quickly departed before the women and children could board; the stranded members were rounded up, but then released without charges.
Ultimately, at least 150 of the congregation did make their way to Amsterdam, meeting up with the Smyth party, who had joined with the Exiled English Church led by Francis Johnson (1562-1617), Barrowe's successor. The Scrooby party would only remain there for about one year, citing growing tensions between Smyth and Johnson. Smyth had embraced the then-novel idea of believer's baptism, which Clyfton and Johnson opposed.
Robinson decided that it would be best to remove his congregation from the fray, and permission to settle in Leiden was secured in 1609. With the congregation reconstituted as the English Exiled Church in Leyden, Robinson now became pastor; Clyfton, advanced in age, chose to stay behind in Amsterdam.
Brewster had been teaching English at the university, and in 1615 Robinson enrolled to pursue his doctorate. There, he participated in a series of debates, particularly regarding the contentious issue of Calvinism versus Arminianism (siding with Calvin). Brewster, in a venture financed by Thomas Brewer, acquired typesetting equipment about 1616 and began publishing these debates through a local press.
Bradford noted that the congregation was aging, compounding the difficulties some had in supporting themselves. Some, having spent through their savings, gave up and returned to England. It was feared that more would follow and the congregation would become unsustainable. The employment issues made it unattractive for others to come to Leiden, and younger members had begun leaving to find employment and adventure elsewhere. Also compelling was the possibility of missionary work, an opportunity that rarely arose in a Protestant stronghold.
Winslow's list was similar. In addition to the economic worries and missionary possibilities, he stressed that it was important for the people to retain their English identity, culture and language. They also believed that the English Church in Leiden could do little to benefit the larger community there.
At the same time, there were many uncertainties about moving to such a place as America. Stories had come back from there about failed colonies. There were fears that the native people would be violent, that there would be no source of food or water, that exposure to unknown diseases was possible -- and there was the well-established fact that travel by sea was always hazardous. Balancing all this was a local political situation that was in danger of becoming unstable: the truce in what would be known as the Eighty Years' War was faltering, and there was fear over what the attitudes of Spain toward them might be.
Candidate destinations included Guiana, where the Dutch had already established Essequibo; or somewhere near the existing Virginia settlements. Virginia was an attractive destination because the presence of the older colony might offer better security. It was thought, however, that they should not settle too near, as that might too closely duplicate the political environment back in England. The London Company that administered Virginia covered a large area, so some distance would be possible.
Because of the continued problems within the London Company, preparations stalled. At this time the congregation was approached by competing Dutch companies, and the possibility of settling in the Hudson River area was discussed with them. These negotiations were broken off at the encouragement of another English merchant, Thomas Weston, who assured them that he could resolve the London Company delays.
Weston did come back with a substantial change, telling the Leiden group that parties in England had obtained a land grant north of the existing Viginia territory, to be called New England. This was only partially true; this new grant would come to pass, but not until late in 1620 when the Plymouth Council for New England would receive its charter. It was expected that this area could be fished profitably, and it was not under the control of the existing Virginia government.
A second change was known only to parties in England, who chose not inform the larger group. New investors who had been brought into the venture wanted the terms altered so that at the end of the seven year contract, half of the settled land and property would revert to them; and that the provision for each settler to have two days per week to work on personal business was dropped.
Also in July, back in Leiden, English ambassador Dudley Carleton became aware of the situation and began leaning on the Dutch government to extradite Brewster. An arrest was made in September, but only Thomas Brewer, the financier, was in custody. Brewster's whereabouts between then and the colonists' departure remain unknown.
Brewster's type was seized. After several months of delay, Brewer was sent to England for questioning, where he stonewalled government officials until well into 1620. One resulting concession that England did obtain from the Netherlands was a restriction on the press, that would make such publications illegal to produce.
Thomas Brewer was ultimately convicted in England for his continued religious publication activites, sentenced in 1626 to a fourteen year prison term.
Robinson would remain in Leiden with the larger portion of the congregation, and Brewster was to lead the American congregation. While the church in America would be run independently, it was agreed that membership would automatically be granted in either congregation to members who moved between the continents.
With personal and business matters agreed, supplies were procured, also a small ship, Speedwell. Speedwell was to bring some passengers from the Netherlands to England, then on to America where it would be kept for the fishing business, with a crew hired for support services during the first year. A second larger ship, Mayflower, was leased for transport and exploration services.
Soon thereafter, the Speedwell crew reported that their ship was taking in water, so both were diverted to Dartmouth, Devon. There it was inspected for leaks and sealed, but a second attempt to depart also failed, bringing them only so far as Plymouth, Devon. It was decided that Speedwell was untrustworthy, and it was sold. It would later be learned that crew members had deliberately caused the ship to leak, allowing them to abandon their year-long commitments. The ship's master and some of the crew did transfer to Mayflower for the trip.
Initially the trip went smoothly, but under way they were met with strong winds and storms. One of these caused a main beam to crack, and although they were more than half the way to their destination, the possibility of turning back was considered. Using a "great iron screw" (probably a piece of house construction equipment) brought along by the colonists, it was possible to repair the ship sufficiently to continue.
One crew member and one passenger would die before they saw land.
In the 1907 book The May-Flower and Her Log, Azel Ames again proposed a conspiracy to avoid the Hudson, but concluded that the colonists' investors wanted to keep them away from London Company territory. This theory was based on the 1606 London Company land grant which included the lower Hudson, but the 1609 charter removed the area.
To address this issue, a brief contract, later to be known as the Mayflower Compact, was drafted promising cooperation among the settlers "for the general good of the Colony unto which we promise all due submission and obedience." It was ratified by majority rule, with 41 adult male passengers signing. At this time, John Carver was chosen as the colony's first governor.
While awaiting the shallop, exploratory parties led by Myles Standish, an English soldier the colonists had met while in Leiden; and Christopher Jones, were undertaken. They encountered several old buildings, both European- and Native-built, and a few recently cultivated fields.
An artificial mound was found near the dunes, which they partially uncovered and found to be a Native grave. Further along, a similar mound, recently made, was found and also dug out. Baskets of maize were found inside, which the colonists took and placed into an iron kettle they also found nearby, intending to use the stolen corn as seed for planting.
With the shallop repaired, the first destination was the area where the corn was found. Nearby, a more elaborate grave was uncovered, and the colonists robbed it of valuables. Further along, after taking more corn, they found a pair of Native dwellings. Nobody was home, so the colonists went through the owners' belongings and stole "some of the best things". They attributed the loot to "God's good providence".
By December, most of the passengers and crew had become ill, coughing violently. Many were also suffering from the effects of scurvy. There had already been icing and snowfall, hampering exploration efforts.
Remaining ashore overnight, they heard cries near the emcampment. The following morning, they were met by Native people who proceeded to shoot at them with arrows. The colonists retrieved their firearms and shot back, then chased the Native people into the woods but did not find them. There would be no more contact with Native people for several months.
The local people were already familiar with the English, who had intermittently visited the area for fishing and trade before Mayflower arrived. In the Cape Cod area, relations were poor following a visit several years earlier by Thomas Hunt. Hunt kidnapped twenty people from Patuxet (the place that would presently become New Plymouth) and another seven from Nausett, and attempted to sell them as slaves in Europe. One of the Patuxet abductees was Tisquantum, who would become an ally of the Plymouth colony. The Pokanoket, who also lived nearby, had developed a particular dislike for the English after one group came in, captured numerous people, and shot them aboard their ship. There had by this time already been reciprocal killings at Martha's Vineyard and Cape Cod.
Resuming exploration on Monday, December 11/December 21, the party crossed over to the mainland and surveyed the area that would ultimately become the settlement. The anniversary of this survey is observed in Massachusetts as Forefathers' Day, and is traditionally associated with the Plymouth Rock landing legend. This land was especially suited to winter building because the land had already been cleared, and the tall hills provided a good defensive position.
The cleared village, known as Patuxet to the Wampanoag people, was abandoned about three years earlier following a plague that killed all of its residents. Because the disease involved hemhorraging, the "Indian fever" is assumed to have been fulminating smallpox introduced by European traders. The outbreak had been severe enough that the colonists would discover unburied skeletons in abandoned dwellings. With the local population in such a weakened state, the colonists faced no resistance to settling there.
The exploratory party returned to Mayflower, which was then brought to the harbor on December 16/December 26. Additional nearby sites were evaluated, with a hill in Plymouth (so named on earlier charts) chosen on December 19/December 29.
Construction commenced immediately, with the first common house nearly completed by January 9/January 19. At this point, single men were ordered to join with families. Each extended family was assigned a plot and built its own dwelling. Supplies were brought ashore, and the settlement was largely built by early February.
Between the landing and March, only 50 colonists had survived the diseases they contracted on the ship. During the worst of the sickness, only six or seven of the group were able and willing to feed and care for the rest. In this time, half the Mayflower crew also died.
William Bradford (1590-1657) became governor in 1621 upon the death of Carver, served for eleven consecutive years, and was elected to various other terms until his death in 1657. The patent of Plymouth Colony was surrendered by Bradford to the freemen in 1640, minus a small reserve of three tracts of land. On March 22, 1621, the Pilgrims of Plymouth Colony signed a peace treaty with Massasoit of the Wampanoags.
The colony contained roughly what is now Bristol County, Plymouth County, and Barnstable County, Massachusetts.
When the Massachusetts Bay Colony was reorganized and issued a new charter as the Province of Massachusetts Bay in 1691, Plymouth ended its history as a separate colony.
Church of England | English emigration | Religion in England | History of Lincolnshire | History of Massachusetts | History of the Netherlands | Pre-revolutionary history of the United States
Pilgerväter | Padri Pellegrini | Pilgrim Fathers | ピルグリム・ファーザーズ | Pilegrimene
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