Human security refers to an emerging paradigm for understanding global vulnerabilities whose proponents believe that the world requires a more comprehensive notion of security, one that marries the traditionally separate fields of development studies and national security and links the traditionally opposing principles of human rights and sovereignty. It is now often taught in universities as part of international relations, globalization, or human rights studies.
The United Nations Development Programme's 1994 Human Development ReportUnited Nations Development Programme (1994): Human Development Report is considered a milestone publication in the field of Human Security, marking the point where the concept gained international notariety. Human security challenges the traditional notion of national security by arguing that the proper referent for security should be the individual rather than the state. Human security holds that a people-centered view of security is necessary for national, regional and global stability.
The UNDP report states that human security consists of two basic pillars: the freedom from want and the freedom from fear. This means the absence of hunger and illness as well as of violence and war. Considered further, possible threats to human security were categorized into seven main categories: Economic, food, health, environmental, personal, community, and political security. While diasagreements exist over how to most effectively operationalize this concept, the broad array of global actors, both state (e.g., Canada and Japan) and non-state, who have thrown their weight behind this formulation of global security have leant increasing credibility to this concept.
Critics of human security argue that this term opens up the field of security studies to too many concerns. It could mean anything which is to say that it actually means nothing.Paris, Roland (2001): Human Security - Paradigm Shift or Hot Air? In: International Security, Vol. 26, No. 2 (PDF) It is then of little intellectual or practical value. The term becomes a rallying point for activists, journalists, and politicians looking to forward causes that they feel are of particular importance. It does not help the research community understand what security means, and it does not give good policy advice to decision makers.
Despite this criticism, the term remains appealing because it acknowledges the inter-relatedness of a variety of factors that contribute to individual well-being. Moreover, by using the individual as a unit of analysis, it is more suited to the notion non-state actors are growing in importance in global politics.
Human Security is a post-Cold War multi-disciplinary approach that grew out of a number of different research fields, including development studies, international relations, strategic studies, and human rights. The Human Security paradigm calls into question the longstanding notions of state sovereignty and implies a state's inherent responsibility to its citizens. While traditionalists focus on national security or the defense of the nation-state, the focus of Human Security, by contrast, is the protection of individuals.
The end of the Cold War is often seen as the moment where human security gained real recognition because of the belief that with the relaxation of ideological hostilities between the US and USSR in the early 1990s, real progress could be made to address the root causes of global insecurity. Increasing levels of global interdependence further solidified the growing consensus that today's security threats go beyond our traditional understanding of defense threats, (e.g. attack from another state) to include poverty, economic inequality, diseases, human rights abuses, environmental pollution, and natural disasters. Those who argue for the adoption of a Human Security agenda believe that if our security apparatuses focused more on protecting individual citizens and groups from threats that may endanger their basicsurvival, rather than simply on perceived threats to the nation state, the world would be a more secure place.
Using the UNDP's 1994 Human Development Report's expansive definition of human security, the scope of global security should be expanded to include threats in seven areas:
In an ideal world, each of the UNDP's seven categories of threats would receive adequate global attention and resources. Yet attempts to operationalize this human security agenda have led to the emergence of two major schools of thought on how to best implement the Human Security concept -- "Freedom from Fear" and "Freedom from Want". While both the freedom from fear and freedom from want schools agree that the individual should be the primary referent of security, divisions emerge over the proper scope of that protection (e.g. over what threats individuals should be protected from) and over the appropriate mechanisms for responding to these threats.
Human security and traditional or national security are not mutually exclusive concepts. Without human security, traditional state security cannot be attained and vice-versa.Chapter 1: Human Security Now, Final Report of the Commission on Human Security 2003, p.2-6
Traditional security is about a state's ability to defend itself against external threats. Traditional security (often referred to as national security or state security) describes the philosophy of international security predominance since the Peace of Westphalia in 1648 and the rise of the nation-states. While international relations theory includes many variants of traditional security, from realism to idealism, the fundamental trait that these schools share is their focus on the primacy of the nation-state. Examples of the traditional security approach can be seen by France in 1919 and the Allies in 1945 believing that national security or global security can only be gained by protection against German attack via continued military superiority over Germany, rather than measures to improve people's welfare. National security was treated as an ultimate goal instead of an intermediate one promoting human security for their people.
The following table contrasts four differences between the two perspectives:
| Traditional Security | Human Security |
| 1. The referent of this approach is the state. Traditional security policies are designed to promote demands ascribed to the nation rather than to individuals, sub-national groups or mankind as a whole. Other interests are subordinated to those of the nation. Traditional security protects a state's boundaries, people, institutions and values. | 1. Human security is people-centered. Its focus shifts to protecting individuals. The important dimensions are to entail the well-being of individuals and respond to ordinary people's needs in dealing with sources of threats. |
| 2. The menace to traditional security comes from external aggression, instead of internal struggles. It evolves from inter-state wars. Walter Lippmann explained that state security is about a nation's ability to deter or defeat an attack. Walter Lippmann, U.S. Foreign Policy (Boston, 1943), p.51 It makes uses of deterrence strategies to maintain the integrity of the state and protect the territory from external threats. | 2. Human security not only protects the nation from external aggression, but also safeguards the nation from a range of menaces, including environmental pollution, infectious diseases, economic deprivation, and transnational terrorism etc. |
| 3. The nation is the sole actor. Decision making power is centralized in the government, and the execution of strategies rarely involves the public. Traditional security assumes that a sovereign state is operating in an anarchical international environment, in which there is no world governing body to enforce international rules of conduct. With no other forces to rely on, a state can only act on its own to ensure survival. | 3. The realization of human security involves a broader participation of different actors, Jeong Ho-Won (undated): Human Security and Conflict. George Mason University. online viz. regional and international organizations, non-governmental organizations and civil society. |
| 4. The means for traditional security is merely protection, but not empowerment. It relies on building up national power and military defense. The common forms it takes are armament races, alliances, strategic boundaries etc. | 4. Human security also empowers people and societies as a means of security. People contribute by identifying and implementing solutions to insecurity. |
The complementary relationship between human security and traditional security is because of the fact that there are numerous domestic factors influencing the security level of a nation, such as national character, tradition, preferences and prejudices, rather than merely external aggression.
Emergence of 'security dilemma' also helps explaining the interdependent relationship. Such dilemma arises from the confusion between 'power of resistance' and 'power of aggression'. If the target level of accumulation of power is too high, the effort of one state to arm itself even for defensive purposes is interpreted by the others as threats to their securities, provoking countermeasures which in turn wipe out the gains of the first and leading to a vicious cycle of mutual distrust.Arnold Wolfers, "National Security as an Ambiguous Symbol", Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 67, No. 4 December 1952, pp. 494-495 Therefore security cannot be guaranteed. However with human security dealing with other aspects of security, it is a more comprehensive approach supplementing the first.
When human security first drew global attention in the United Nations Development Programme's Human Development Report 1994, it not only challenged traditional notions of security, but it also addressed the problems of traditional conceptions of development.
In development studies, development signifies progress in human well-being. It used to be equated with economic growth in the late 20th century as traditional conceptions of development were influenced by the rise of neoliberalism. It was considered to be the universal path for economic growth, and thus development, for all humanity. Caroline Thomas, "Global Governance, Development and Human Security: Exploring the Links", Third World Quarterly, Vol. 22, No. 2, pp 167-168, 2001
However, following its practical application as a global development policy, inequalities between and within states deepened. Two-thirds of the global population seemed to have gained little from the economic growth which occurred as a result of globalization.Financial Times, 24 December 1994 This tragic outcome may be due to the fundamental economic and social structures that allow a privileged global elite to control a disproportionate share of wealth and power.New York Times, 15 July 1996: 55 It directly resulted in poverty, inequality and the abuse of human rights, which are all factors affecting human security, in the developing world.
Dr. Mahbub ul Haq first drew global attention to the concept of human security in the United Nations Development Programme's Human Development Report. In 1994, the Human Development Report explicitly focused on human security and sought to influence the UN's 1995 World Summit on Social Development in Copenhagen. Since then, development and human security have been receiving more attention from the key global governance institutions, such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. Poverty and inequality are increasingly considered to be national, regional and global security threats.
The paper Development and Security by Frances Stewart provides a comprehensive examination of the link between security and development. It argues that human security and development studies establish a strong three-way connection Francis Stewart, "Development and Security", Centre for Research on Inequality, Human Security, and Ethnicity (CRISE), Working Paper 3, London: University of Oxford, 2004 -
While some of the debates about the feasibility of implementing the human security agenda stems from the ambiguity of the concept itself, further and perhaps deeper questions about this approach revolve around how this concept has been and could be operationalized. The fundamental question for both critics and proponents alike is can the adaptation of a "human security" approach better equip humanity to effectively grapple with shared global threats. Furthermore, how practical or feasible are these measures? The allocation of available resources alone may preclude addressing all of the varied threats to human security as outlined in the Human Development Report and Millennium Development Goals.Sachs, J (2005). The end of poverty, How we can make it happen in our lifetime. Penguin USA
The application of human security is highly relevant within the area of humanitarian intervention, as it focuses on addressing the deep rooted and multi-factorial problems inherent in humanitiarian crises, and offers more long term resolutions. To further explain, humanitarian crises, from war and mass murder, to natural disasters and famine, often occur in the absence of economic and socio-political systems, that provide infrastructure for adequate access to the basic needs and rights that make people feel secure in their environments. These crises may also be trans-national problems in cause or consequence. Together, these characteristics demonstrate the relevance and utility of human security within this field, as many of the intrinsic problems within crises are also central issues for human security. Humanitarian intervention could also be viewed as a component of human security, in place to preserve or protect the basic needs and rights of individuals.
However, the implementation of humanitarian intervention has been debated because of its various problems and failed projects such as the interventions in Srebrenica and Somalia, as well as the consequences of non-intervention, as witnessed in the Rwandan genocide. This debate pushed UN Secretary Kofi Annan to pose a challenge to the international community to find a new approach to humanitarian intervention that responded to its inherent problems.ICISS "The Responsibility to Protect: Report of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, Ottawa: International Development Research Council" (2001)
In 2001, the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) produced the "The Responsibility to protect", a comprehensive report detailing how the “right of humanitarian intervention” could be exercised. It was considered a triumph for the human security approach as it emphasised and gathered much needed attention to some of its main principles:
Human security has been suggested to be particularly useful in examining the causes of conflicts that explain and justify humanitarian interventions. Additionally, it could also be a paradigm for identifying, prioritizing and resolving large transnational problems. However, human security still faces difficulties concerning the scope of its applicability, as large problems requiring humanitarian intervention usually are built up from an array of socio-political, cultural and economic problems that may be beyond the limitations of humanitarian projects. "Thomas, N. and Tow, WT. (2002) "The Utility of Human Security: Sovereignty and Humanitarian Intervention SAGE Publications, Vol. 33(2): 177-192" On the other hand, successful examples of the use of human security principles within interventions can be found. One example is the independence of East Timor in 1999.
The establishment of East Timorese independence from Indonesia in 2002 can be partially credited to a successful international humanitarian effort and can be seen to vindicate the human security ideal. Prior to independence, East Timor was plagued by massive human rights abuses by pro-Indonesian militias and an insurgency war led by indigenous East Timorese against Indonesian forces. After the resignation of President Suharto and an East Timorese vote for independence, the UN and international community were forced to respond to growing post-referendum violence. These peacekeeping missions eventually safeguarded and moved the country into full independence. Thomas, N. and Tow, WT., "The Utility of Human Security: Sovereignty and Humanitarian Intervention," 2002, SAGE Publications, Vol. 33(2): 177-192
The UN also created the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) peace-keeping force that were present not simply to address the military and traditional security priorities, but also that helped to manage nation-building projects, coordinated humanitarian, rehabilitation and development assistance and organised civil services for the country. Thomas, N. and Tow, WT., "The Utility of Human Security: Sovereignty and Humanitarian Intervention," 2002, SAGE Publications, Vol. 33(2): 177-192 Additionally, education and training programs were instituted by UNTAET to strengthen civil society and create an economically viable domestic environment.Australia's Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, "East Timor in Transition 1998–2000: An Australian Policy Challenge" Canberra: Commonwealth of Australia", 2001, pp. 140–154 Thus security was moved beyond just military concerns to encompass health, education and development - all crucial to the security of the individual, but usually ignored by state-centric security analysis.
Even if human security principles are, in some cases, limited in their applicability, the previous example provides encouragement for their continued use. Many various actors can be involved and contribute to projects focused on one area of human security (e.g. economic security) and still have consequential effects on other areas (health or food security). Therefore it demonstrates the possible potential of humanitarian intervention projects to maintain or increase the human security of people in places that suffer the greatest from its absence.
Arms control is also an important priority for Human Security advocates, closely linking with the Freedom from Fear agenda. An oft-claimed example of this is the Ottawa Convention banning anti-personnel landmines. The Convention has been described as an illustration of how human security can work in the real world, as a coalition of like-minded powers, along with civil society worked together to eliminate anti-personnel land mines. Hampson, Osler (2002): Chap.5: Promoting the Safety of Peoples: Banning Anti-Personnel Landmines, in Madness in the Multitude: Human Security and World Disorder, Oxford University Press The process leading up to the formation of the Convention was quite a departure from that of traditional security instruments with massive involvement from non-government groups and civil society - it could almost be seen as NGO's bringing governments to the negotiating table. Viewing mines through the human security lens helped to focus the debate on the impact on individuals, as opposed to the survival of the state; and is possibly a key reason for the Convention's success.
Various states have and continue to benefit from the cheap nature of mines, ignoring the massive individual human costs. Only through the human security paradigm could campaigns realise their objective of banning mines by focusing the debate on the personal impact mines have. In contrast to traditional security discourses, which see security as focused on protecting state interests, human security argued that mines could not be viable weapons of war due to the massive collateral damage they cause, their indiscriminate nature and persistence after conflict. Whereas traditionally, states would justify these negative impacts of mines due to the advantage they give on the battlefield, under the human security lens, this is untenable as the wide-ranging post-conflict impact on the day-to-day experience of individuals outweighs the military advantage.
The campaign leading to the signing of the convention used personal stories and military testimonies to promote the harmful effects of anti-personnel land mines, moving beyond statistics. Whereas weapons control was often considered impregnable by non-government groups, the Ottawa Convention was something of a watershed for human security, as it demonstrated the efficiacy of civil society pressure even in this reified area of international relations. Groups operated at all levels of civil society, with wide-ranging campaigns which demonstrated commitments from both a grass roots and top-down approach.
One of the most useful things that human security brought to the Ottawa negotiations was a fresh perspective on security problems, including the negotiation process itself. In Ottawa, the negotiations were moved outside traditional disarmement forums, thus avoiding the entrenched logic of traditional arms control measures. Don Hubert, "The Landmine Treaty: A Case Study in Humanitarian Advocacy" Watson Institute for International Studies, Occasional Paper #42, 2000, 36
Critics of human security note the absence of the United States as a signatory to the treaty as a critical blow to its effectiveness. Without the world's largest military committed to the Ottawa Convention it is hard to see how directly effective it will be. This is especially true with the advent of new smart mines, which their producers assert are safer post-conflict due to automatic de-activiation and other measures, but in reality may just lead to increased mine production and deployment. However, the widespread international and civil society support the Convention received has helped move the debate to the individual impact of weapons of war. That the 'smart mines' are subject of debate, and the US has had to do something in regard to their mine policy demonstrates that the Convention has had extensives effect on the global conscience. Though the US has not supported the Ottawa Convention, its position is becoming increasingly untenable as the international climate moves towards banning landmines.
The global threat of terrorism is an important test case for the Human Security agenda (despite the fact that international terrorism has killed fewer than 1000 people a year, on average, over the past 30 years Human Security Reports (2005) online) for the following reasons: Human Security Reports (2005) online
Proponents argue that adopting a Human Security lens would help alleviate many of the deficiencies in a traditional, state-centered approach to this problem. Elworthy & Rifkind (2005): Hearts and Minds: Human Security Approaches to Political Violence, UK: DEMOS, 2005, online Traditional state measures to protect constituents typically take the form of international sanctions or military force, which are often inadvertently directed against a specific country in the absence of a specific target. In addition to causing human casualties and unnecessary suffering resulting widespread economic dislocation, it also fuels the feelings of unrest that are easily elevated to regional and national conflicts. State-centered measures to shore up security in nations which are the target of terrorist activities, such as the introduction of identification cards, detention without trial or judicial review, body searches, night raids and persecution of females, also threaten to erode the very civil liberties it seeks to protect. Fekete, L. 2002. ‘ All in the name of security’ in Scraton P. (Ed) Beyond September 11: An Anthology of Dissent, Pluto Press, London.) Overall, human security proponents assert that these traditional measures seem to exacerbate the problem over time and only beget further retaliation and retribution. They advocate that governments should instead focus on designing people-centered interventions to address enduring, underlying problems. Causal factors need to be delineated to determine inequalities and ascribe measures to achieve equal access to resources and sustainability for all peoples. These interventions can take many forms.
Human security acknowledges, in line with Just War theory, that legitimate authority should be established through diplomatic means and collaborative efforts and not bombing campaigns. As Mary Kaldor, Professor of Global Governance at the London School of Economics emphasises, to improve legitimacy it is necessary to engage from the bottom up. Any intervention must be context specific, acknowledge local culture and historiography. Interventions will require the passing of time to demonstrate successes, however inclusionary practices will be influential in achieving enduring human security. Concessions can be made including rebuilding of social infrastructure, economic investment, the provision of trauma counselling, involvement of negotiators, inclusion of religious figures and active programs for reconciliation. Participation of a diverse group of actors including policy-makers, private enterprises, public service providers and social entrepreneurs will foster neutrality and through collaboration; accountability and ownership. If there is to be meaningful dialogue we need to accept the role of listening, actively promoting symmetry in dialogue, and being ready to accommodate alternative discourses on the experience of modernity. Crooke and Milton-Edwards cited in Elworthy & Rifkind's "Hearts and Minds: Human Security Approaches to Political Violence, UK, DEMOS, 2005
Human security also emphasizes that the protection of human rights and respect for the rule of law are fundamental elements of genuine security. Amnesty International (2005): "Counter-terrorism and criminal law in the EU". online In many countries, there exist some counter-terrorist measures that violate human rights. Abuses include prolonged, incommunicado detention without judicial review; risk of subjecting to torture during the transfer, return and extradition of persons between or within countries; and the adoption of security measures that restrain the rights or freedoms of citizens and breach the principle of non-discrimination. Human Rights News (2004): "Human Rights and Counter-Terrorism", in the Briefing to the 60th Session of the UN Commission on Human Rights. online Such violations arguably serve to exacerbate rather than help combat the threat of terrorism. Human security argues that international human rights obligations do not stop at borders and a failure to respect human rights in one state may undermine international effort to cooperate to combat terrorism. Human Rights News (2004): "Human Rights and Counter-Terrorism", in the Briefing to the 60th Session of the UN Commission on Human Rights. online While traditional international efforts to combat terrorism have focused on the need to enhance cooperation between states, human security argues for more effort be invested in the effective inclusion of human rights protection as a crucial element in that cooperation.
Human security further emphasizes that any intervention needs to address physical, psychological and political dimensions of security simultaneously. The psychological aspect to human security highlights the fact that too often the violence of a traditional military response simply begets further violence. ‘To use military means against an assortment of criminals and insurgents is simply to provoke and consolidate support for those groups.’ M Kaldor, ‘The red zone’ in R Belcher (Ed), Re-imagining Security, London: British Council, 2004 cited in Elworthy & Rifkind's "Hearts and Minds: Human Security Approaches to Political Violence," UK: DEMOS, 2005 Instead, sustainable victory in such conflict situations means “to win a battle for the society, for its mindsets and psychologies, to address sources of grievance and anxiety, and to shore up institutions of governance.” Mazarr, Michael J. 1993, "The Military Dilemmas of Humanitarian Intervention," Security Dialogue, 24(2)
Human security argues that a people-centred perspective should be attentive to the sustained trauma, humiliation and estrangement, which are a fundamental cause of the emergence of global terror. Such a human oriented psychological approach also provides a theoretical basis for understanding the link between violence and the rise of religious fundamentalism. It is a complex and multifaceted area of human security due to the dual nature of the threat. Terrorists seek justice and a voice for persecuted peoples whilst simultaneously providing a threat to others. By voicing their discontent and taking action, terrorists awaken the persecuted community, inspire the faithful, and encourage spiritual or religious sentiment. Religious affiliation can provide certainty, familiarity and a sense of belonging amidst instability and insecurity. Moreover, fundamentalist religious communities often provide a level of communal welfare often not available to the larger society which further cements assimilation. However, terrorist activities threaten the lives of innocent citizenry and lead to retaliation from nation states. In seeking their own human security they directly threaten the security of others. Thus "one man's terrorist is another man's freedom fighter".*
Given the clear conflict of interest between those terrorised, and those historically deprived whom terrorists seek to provide a voice, it is unclear whether a human security approach should replace the traditional security mentality. Military retaliation in line with traditional security stems from a fiduciary responsibility to protect citizens, and electorates demand clear evidence that action is being undertaken to fulfil this responsibility. However, if trauma, national humiliation, and socio-economic frustration are at the root of this problem, then a military response simply justifies and reinforces the need to turn to terrorist strategies to fight back. Unfortunately, the heightened threat of biological terrorism or the use of WMDs precludes abandoning such pre-emptive military approaches to ensuring security. The human security construct is valuable in shedding new light on the conceptualisation and requirement in policymaking to carefully assess various interests and agendas as these may appear divergent yet be closely interrelated.Smith-Windsor, B.A. 2002. Terrorism, Individual Security, and the Role of the Military:A Reply to Liotta, Security Dialogue, 33(4):489-494
Human Security has long argued that the "scope" of global security should be expanded to include the threat of infectious disease. The primary goal of human security is the protection of individuals, and infectious diseases (such as HIV/AIDS, SARS, and H5N1) are among the most serious threats facing individuals around the world. Given the transnational nature of infectious disease, unilateral, state-centered policy approaches to the threat will prove ineffective over the long run. Therefore, adopting a people-centered Human Security model with its emphasis on prevention, individual empowerment, and treatment strategies delivered by an array of global actors is possibly a pioneering approach to deal with the increasing diversity of contagious diseases. Commission on Human Security (2003): Chapter 6: Better Health for Human Security, in Final Report of the Commission on Human Security {*}
Human security supports broadening the responsibility for ensuring health security. It is shifting down from the national level to individuals, communities and civil organizations; and upward to international institutions and networks. Hence, modernizing international health rules and regulations, fostering partnerships between public and private sectors as well as enhancing communication and cooperation among nations are becoming more important. Commission on Human Security (2003): Chapter 6: Better Health for Human Security, in Final Report of the Commission on Human Security { Take HIV/AIDSin sub-Saharan Africa as an example, the relatively low education level of people and insufficient penetration of knowledge about HIV/AIDS prevent people from realising the serious impacts of HIV/AIDS. Low levels of technology, the ineffective management of resources and implementation of corresponding policies by leaders further hinder the control of the spread of the disease. Human Security proponents argue that by focusing on health burdens faced by local communities and individuals our policy responses will be able to address the roots of the problem. Commission on Human Security (2003): Chapter 6: Better Health for Human Security, in Final Report of the Commission on Human Security {[ http://www.humansecurity-chs.org/finalreport/English/chapter6.pdf}
Comparison between Traditional & Human Security Approaches
Traditional security approach mainly makes use of different health policies, which include management of hospitals,legislation on regulation and provision of different drugs, mechanism dealing with spreading of pandemics (for e.g. quarantination), launching of different vaccination policies within the place itself, education and propaganda etc. These are mainly focus on the provision of medical services. Though human needs on health aspects are addressed, the ultimate objective is to ensure that the state does not suffer from outbreak of diseases, which will affect its stability and economic prosperity.
Besides, traditional security approach in health aspects mainly involves the implementation of policies by the government and corresponding medical services providers. General public are merely acceptors, and they rarely involve in the realization of these policies. Moreover, it is more national-based and rarely engages in cooperation with other places. Only until recently, there have been more attempts to initiate communication for reporting cases during possible outbreak of diseases.
In addition, traditional approach of security is more of a rationale for maintaining the current power status of the state, this may sometimes outweigh individual's safety and health concerns. Apart from bewaring of military dangers, the state may also accentuate the protection of reputation as well as ensures the nation's economic development. For example in China, prevention of international intervention of internal affairs and securing its tourism and economy might be the reasons of Chinese silence in the SARS epidemic in 2003. Late disclosure of SARS data eventually led to outbreak of SARS in other places. Irish Health (2003): China may be hiding SARS cases – WHO. online Even in the cases of H5N1, China has been suspected of concealing cases of bird-flu in several provinces for many months in 2005. York Geoffrey (2005): China hiding bird-flu cases? online
Sonagachi Project
In Calcutta, India, the Sonagachi Project, cited by UNAIDS as a "best-practice" model of working with women and men in prostitution, has reached more than 30,000 persons working in the commercial sex sector at risk of HIV/AIDS, mainly through peer-based outreach services. UNAIDS (2000): Female Sex Worker HIV Prevention Projects: Lessons Learnt from Papua New Guinea, India and Bangladesh, UNAIDS Best Practice Collection, Nov. 2000, at 57-90. online
This project demonstrates the collective power of different organizations and the government. It was initiated by the All India Institute of Hygiene and Public Health (AIIH&PH) in 1992 as the STD/HIV Intervention Programme (SHIP), in consultation with the National AIDS Control Organization (NACO) of India, the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare of West Bengal, and WHO. Later donors included NORAD, DfID, and HORIZONS/USAID. It also includes two non-governmental organization as partners, the Health and Eco-Defence Society and the Human Development and Research Institute. UNAIDS (2000): Female Sex Worker HIV Prevention Projects: Lessons Learnt from Papua New Guinea, India and Bangladesh, UNAIDS Best Practice Collection, Nov. 2000, at 57-90. online
In line with human security principles, the approach of this project is based on the needs of the individuals, which are then catered specifically. Sonagachi's peer educators help to stop the spread of HIV/AIDS among women and men in prostitution through strategies intended to earn their trust, reduce their social isolation, increase their social participation, and confront stigma and discrimination. UNAIDS (2000): Female Sex Worker HIV Prevention Projects: Lessons Learnt from Papua New Guinea, India and Bangladesh, UNAIDS Best Practice Collection, Nov. 2000, at 57-90. online
Environmental security is another area of security concern advocated by the Human Security theory. It is argued by Human Security proponents that the link between environment and security has been present throughout the history of mankind. Water and energy, for example, are essential resources which have led to military and political turmoil worldwide. Najam, A., 2003, “Environment & Security: Exploring the links” in Environment, Development and Human Security (Najam, A. ed) Devastation caused by wind, water, earthquakes, volcanoes and the like has shaped the course of human history and dictated where we settled, the type of lifestyle we lead (subsistence farming, nomadic, etc), our customs and even our folklore.
Scientists and government policymakers have been discussing the implications of climate change for global security since 1988. Jon Barnett, 2001, "Security and Climate Change" Tyndall Centre Working Paper No. 7 (2001) An enhanced greenhouse effect caused by the increased production of greenhouse gases from the use of fossil fuels, chloroflourocarbons (CFCs) and increased landfills emitting methane gas, is a major contributor to recent climate change which is changing the earth’s age-old balance.*
Although climate change from global warming will have an impact on everyone, individuals in certain geographical areas are more vulnerable to the effects of climate change than others. For example, residents of the islands of Tuvalu, Kiribati and certain areas of Bangladesh face the imminent danger of losing their homes to the sea, giving them no choice but to flee. As sea levels rise and wind patterns become more intense in certain regions, the increased occurrence of such events are to be expected.Schwartz, P. & Randall, D.; “An Abrupt Climate Change Scenario and Its Implications for United States National Security,” October 2003 * As the real security threat for individuals in these areas is great, they require much higher levels of contingency planning.
Pioneers for including environmental concerns into security agendas, Richard Falk and Lester Brown, as well as Homer-Dixon (1991), Homer-Dixon, T.; 1991, “On the threshold: Environmental Changes as Causes of Acute Conflict”, International Security, Vol. 16, No. 2., pp. 76-116. Kaplan (1994) and Myers (1987) have separately argued that as the earth’s climate changes more rapidly, an increase in violent conflict is likely. Jon Barnett, 2001, "Security and Climate Change" Tyndall Centre Working Paper No. 7 (2001) * due to resource scarcity and an exacerbated North-South disparity. Sources of possible conflict include wide-spread refugee movement, a fall in global food production and reduction in water supply.
Despite the move to include global warming as a human security issue, most of the published works linking security and global warming focus on national security threats. These national threats, however, can be easily transposed into a human security context. According to Peter Gleick, President of the Pacific Institute for Studies in Development, Environment, and Security, considers the three biggest threats to national security are: 1. Food shortages caused by reductions in agricultural production capacities 2. Shortages of safe drinking water due to flooding and droughts 3. Shortages of natural resources due to disruption caused by ice and storms Peter Schwartz and Doug Randall, 2003 “An Abrupt Climate Change Scenario and Its Implications for United States National Security,” October
As these threats affect humans on an individual level, human security proponents argue that discussions and agreements pertaining to global warming should be broadened to include non-state actors, as this is often thwarted by the tragedy of the commons and clashing of national interests. Effective action to combat the issues of global warming and climate change requires changing individuals apathy into action, to supplement and encourage existing channels for climate change response.
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