Ethnic Germans—usually simply called Germans, in German Volksdeutsche, are those who are considered, by themselves or others, to be ethnically German, but do not live within the present-day Federal Republic of Germany or hold its citizenship. The English language practice is to refer to the ethnic Germans of a given country as
The concept of ethnic belonging is always problematic; it can relate to:
The concept of who is an ethnic German has repeatedly changed in history. For example, in contrast to the Swiss Germans, who had already split off and shaped a separate national identity, most German-speaking Austrians used to consider themselves as ethnic Germans until the mid-20th century. The first attempts to create a consciousness of the "Austrian nation" took place during the Napoleonic Wars (at which time "Austrian" identity included non-German-speaking subjects of the Austrian Empire) and in the early 1930s, but without major effects. After World War II, Austrians increasingly came to see themselves as a nation distinct from the German nation. A sizeable minority of Austrians (5-10%) still identify themselves as German ("Deutschnational"); this view is especially strong in the southern state of Carinthia.
In Switzerland, Swiss Germans constitute the majority of the population. They write formally in Standard German, but in many respects have hewn a separate national identity built upon their long history of stable, alpine, isolationist, multinationalist neutrality and their various Swiss German language dialects, which are basically incomprehensible to someone who speaks only Standard German. In Austria and Liechtenstein, both of which are primarily German-speaking countries, the situation is less extreme, but nevertheless, there are very few who would call Swiss, Austrians, or Liechtensteiners Volksdeutsche, if only because it sounds like pan-German nationalism and also because it may offend or belittle them.
In France, the Alsace-Lorraine region and cities such as Strasbourg (with bilingual signs) and Diedenhofen (now Thionville) were originally German-speaking, but because of territorial transfers resulting from the world wars, and given the French take on language, ethnicity, and the Republic, assimilation has decimated the Alsatian dialect. The German-speaking population is estimated at 1,500,000, plus another 40,000 for ethnic Luxemburgers.
In Belgium, there is also a German minority, who form the majority in their region of 71,000 inhabitants (though Ethnologue puts the national total at 150,000, not including Limburgisch and Luxembourgish). In Luxembourg, Germans constitute the majority, though they speak the Luxemburgish language, which has a separate written standard. In the Netherlands, there are 380,000 Germans, along the German-Dutch border, a similar number of Dutch people is estimated to live along the same border line in Germany.
In Denmark, the part of Schleswig that is now South Jutland County (or Nordschleswig) has about 23,000 Germans. These Germans mostly speak the Schleswigsch variety of Low Saxon.
Near the end of the Migration Period (300-900 AD) that brought the Germanic and Slavic tribes as well as the Huns, etc., to what is now Central Europe, Slavs expanded westwards at the same time as Germans expanded eastwards. The result was German colonization as far east as Romania, and Slavic colonization as far west as present-day Lübeck (on the Baltic Sea), Hamburg (connected to the North Sea), and along the river Elbe and its tributary Saale further south. After Christianization, the superior organization of the Roman Catholic Church led to further German expansion, known as the medieval Drang nach Osten. By 1100 or so, various rulers were often inviting ethnic Germans to their territories as craftsmen, miners, or farmers.
At the same time, naval innovations led to a German domination of trade in the Baltic Sea and Eastern Central Europe through the Hanseatic League. Along the trade routes, Hanseatic trade stations became centers of Germanness where German urban law (Stadtrecht) was promoted by the presence of large, relatively wealthy German populations and their influence on the worldly powers.
Thus some of the people whom we today often consider "Germans", with a common culture and worldview very different from that of the surrounding rural peoples, colonized as far north of present-day Germany as Bergen (in Norway), Stockholm (in Sweden), and Vyborg (in Russia). At the same time, it is important to note that the Hanseatic League was not exclusively German in any ethnic sense. Many towns who joined the league should not at all be characterized as "German"; they were outside of the Holy Roman Empire, which even in itself was not in any way exclusively German.
It is thus that some groups, such as the Baltic Germans, the Volga Germans, and the Transylvanian Saxons, had very established residence (in some cases extending back to the crusades of Teutonic Knights that resulted in the removal of native populations and their replacement by German settlers) in the eastern Baltic, southern Russia, and what is now Romania, respectively. Over time, other groups like this often either became assimilated by local populations or by later waves of Germans.
By the 1500s, much of Pomerania, Prussia, the Sudetenland, Bessarabia, Galicia, South Tyrol, Carniola, and Lower Styria had many German cities and villages. Numerous transfers and migrations occurred later: for example, within the Habsburg Monarchy at the end of Ottoman incursion into Europe (which penetrated as far as Vienna). Thus, the Danube Swabians settled in Pannonia and the Bukovina Germans in Bukovina.
By World War I, there were isolated groups of Germans or so-called Schwaben as far southeast as the Bosphorus (Turkey), Georgia, and Azerbaijan. After the war, Germany's and Austria-Hungary's loss of territory and the rise of communism in the Soviet Union meant that more Germans than ever were minorities in various countries, though on the whole they still enjoyed fairly good treatment.
The status of ethnic Germans, and the lack of contiguity resulted in numerous repatriation pacts whereby the German authorities would organize population transfers (especially the Nazi-Soviet population transfers arranged between Adolf Hitler) and Joseph Stalin, and others with Benito Mussolini's Italy) so that both Germany and the other country would increase their homogeneity. However, this was but a drop in the pond, and the Heim ins Reich rhetoric over the continued disjoint status of enclaves such as Danzig and Königsberg was an agitating factor in the politics leading up to World War II, and is considered by many to be among the major causes of Nazi aggressiveness and thus the war.
The actions of Germany ultimately had extremely negative consequences for most ethnic Germans in Central and Eastern Europe, who often fought on the side of the Nazi regime - some were drafted, others volunteered or worked through the paramilitary organisations such as Selbstschutz, which supported the German invasion of Poland and murdered tens of thousands of Poles. In places such as Yugoslavia, Germans were drafted by their country of residence, served loyally, and even held as POWs by the Nazis, and yet later found themselves drafted again, this time by the Nazis after their takeover. Because it was technically not permissible to draft non-citizens, many ethnic Germans ended up being (oxymoronically) forcibly volunteered for the Waffen-SS. In general, those closest to Nazi Germany were the most involved in fighting for her, but the Germans in remote places like the Caucasus were likewise accused of collaboration. The territorial changes following World War II can be very roughly understood as the following: Russia became bigger, Germany became smaller, and Poland was forced west. This anecdotal summary (minus the plight of the Poles) can be extended to Germany's borders with France and Czechoslovakia as well.
If the ethnic Germans of Eastern Europe survived the fighting, the ethno-politics of the victorious Allies, aimed at removal of German minority from new borders of countries that were freed from Nazi German rule. In Poland and Czechoslovakia, millions fled the Red Army and local governments, mostly on foot and in wagons, but also by ship (see Wilhelm Gustloff). Elsewhere, especially in Russia and Yugoslavia, Germans were treated even more brutally, and often interned in harsh labor camps, to "pay the debts" induced by their nation and the cost of communist liberation. In Hungary, Magyarization was the norm. In Romania, Germans were forcibly transferred within the country, to destroy their cohesion as an ethnic group.
''See also:
It was due to such population transfer in the Soviet Union that Germans (along with many other peoples) ended up as far east as Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. As recently as 1990, there were 1 million standard German speakers and 100,000 Plautdietsch speakers in Kazakhstan alone, and 38,000, 40,000 and 101,057 standard German speakers in Ukraine, Uzbekistan, and Kyrgyzstan, respectively.
There were reportedly 500,000 ethnic Germans in Poland in 1998. Recent official figures show 147,000 (as of 2002)*. But, because the census only registers declared nationalities, the actual figure is probably higher. Of the 700,000 Germans in Romania in 1988, only about 100,000 remained. In Hungary the situation is quite similar, with only about 150,000. There are 1 million in the former Soviet Union, mostly in a band from southernwestern Russia and the Volga valley, through Omsk and Altai Krai to Kazakhstan.
These Auslandsdeutsche, as they are now generally known, have been streaming out of the former Eastern Bloc since the early 1990s. For example, many ethnic Germans from the former Soviet Union have taken advantage of the German Law of return, a policy which grants citizenship to all those who can prove to be a refugee or expellee of German ethnic origin or the spouse or descendant of such a person. This exodus has occurred despite the fact that many of the ethnic Germans from the former Soviet Union speak little or no German.
In a document signed 50 years ago the Heimatvertriebene organisations have also recognized the plight of the different groups of people living in today's Poland who were by force resettled there. The Heimatvertriebene are just one of the groups of millions of other people, from many different countries, who all found refuge in today's Germany.
Some of the expellees are active in politics and belong to the political right-wing. Many others do not belong to any organizations, but they continue to maintain what they call a lawful right to their homeland. The vast majority pledged to work peacefully towards that goal while rebuilding post-war Germany and Europe.
The expellees are still highly active in German politics, and are one of the major political factions of the nation, with still around 2 million members. The president of their organization is as of 2004 still a member of the national parliament.
Although expellees (in German Heimatvertriebene) and their descendants were active in West German politics, the prevailing political climate within West Germany was that of atonement for Nazi actions. However the CDU governments have shown considerable support for the expellees and German civilian victims.
Since 1990, historical events have been examined by the Polish Institute of National Remembrance. Its role is to investigate the crimes of the past without regard to the nationality of victims and perpetrators. In Poland, crimes motivated by the nationality of victims are not covered by a statute of limitations, therefore the criminals can be charged in perpetuity. In a few cases, the crimes against Germans were examined. One suspected perpetrator of retaliatory crimes against expelled innocent German civilians, Salomon Morel, fled the country to Israel, which has denied Polish requests for his extradition.
Some German expellees, on the other hand, criticise that the official Polish outlook on the War and post War events is mostly based on a collectivist view (of mixed communist and nationalist ideas), that does not look at the individual suffering on both sides, but emphazises the ethnic background of each individual.
Such positions are viewed critically in Poland as it ignores widespread collaboration and support for Nazi Occupation by the German minority in the pre-1939 Polish Republic, and the fact that German people enjoyed privileged status during the war while Poles were classified as subhumans by German authorities.
One Jewish survivor Marek Edelman said
"They say there were evil and good Germans. But why didn't I have the luck during this whole time of finding a good one? I didn't meet a single good German, only those who hit me in the face. Yes I am sorry for the girl that died during expulsions. But I have no pity for the Germans as a nation. They put Hitler in power. German society lived for five years from occupied Europe; lived from me, and my friends. To me they gave two slices of bread, while Germans ate as much as they wanted. That is why it is important that they continue penance. Let them cry for long, long time - maybe then they will finally realise that to Europe they were the executionerThey don't deserve mercy, they deserve penance. And that for many generations, because otherwise their arrogance and haughtiness shall returnTak, szkoda mi dziewczyny, która z małym dzieckiem zginęła podczas wypędzenia. Ale nie mam żadnej litości dla narodu niemieckiego. Bo to on wyniósł Hitlera do władzy. To społeczeństwo niemieckie przez pięć lat żyło z okupowanej Europy: żyło ze mnie i z moich przyjaciół, bo mnie dawali dwa deko chleba dziennie, a Niemcy jedli do woli. Dlatego tak ważne jest, by dalej musieli pokutować. Niech długo, długo płaczą - może wtedy dojdzie do ich świadomości, że byli katem dla Europy[... Nie należy się im miłosierdzie, należy się im pokuta. I to przez wiele pokoleń, bo inaczej wróci ta ich pycha i buta. Nie litować się nad Niemcami, Tygodnik Powszechny, NR 33 (2823), 17 August 2003. Accessed online 8 July 2006.
As evidence for the view that German "arrogance and haughtiness" will return, some point to the high support for National Socialism in German society even after the German Reich lost the war. For example, according to polls conducted in the American Zone of Occupation among Germans from November 1945 till December 1947, the percentage of the German population that supported the view that "National Socialism was a good idea, but badly implemented" was on average 47%, while in August 1947 the percentage increased to 55% Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki Tom I "Polska a Niemcy; ludność, odbudowa, przemiany polityczne w pierwszych latach powojennych" Edmund Dmitrów Warszawa 1992
There are also some worries among Poles that rich descendants of the expelled Germans would buy the land the Polish state that was confiscated in 1945. It is believed that this may result in large price increases, since the current Polish land price is low compared to Western Europe. This led to Polish restrictions on the sale of property to foreigners, including Germans; special permission is needed. This policy is comparable to similar restrictions on the Baltic Åland Islands. These restrictions will be lifted 12 years after the 2004 accession of Poland to the European Union, i.e. on May 1 2016. The restrictions are viewed by some as weak - they aren't valid for companies and certain types of properties.
The attempts by German organisations to build a Centre Against Expulsions dedicated to German people's alleged suffering during World War II has led Polish politicians and activists to propose a Center for Martyrology of the Polish Nation (called also Center for the Memory of Suffering of the Polish Nation) that would document the systematical oppression of Polish people by the German state during World War II and which would serve to educate German people about atrocities their state and regime perpetrated on their neighbours. However, this proposal was attacked and rejected by German politicians*.
See also Germans of Poland.
In Czech-German relations, the topic has been effectively closed by the Czech-German declaration of 1997. One principle of the declaration was that parties will not burden their relations with political and legal issues which stem from the past.
However, some expelled Sudeten Germans or their descendants are demanding return of their former property, which was confiscated after the war. Several such cases have been taken to Czech courts. As confiscated estates usually have new inhabitants, some of whom have lived there for more than 50 years, attempts to return to a pre-war state may cause fear. The topic comes to life occasionally in Czech politics. Like in Poland, worries and restrictions concerning land purchases exist in the Czech Republic. According to a survey by the Allensbach Institut in November 2005, 38% of Czechs believe Germans want to regain territory they lost or will demand compensation.
The situation in Slovakia was different from that in the Czech lands, in that the number of Germans was considerably lower and that the Germans from Slovakia were almost completely evacuated to German states as the Soviet army was moving west through Slovakia, and only the fraction of them that returned to Slovakia after the end of the war was deported together with the Germans from the Czech lands.
The Czech Republic has introduced a law in 2002 that guarantees the use of native minority languages (incl. German)as official languages in municipalities where autochthonous linguistic groups make up at least 10% of the population. Besides the use in dealings with officials and in courts the law also allows for bilingual signage and guarantees education in the native language. The law so far only exists on paper and has not been implemented anywhere, neither in the Polish speaking Tesin/Cieszyn area nor in Western and Northern Bohemia where a hand full of towns still have in excess of 10% German speakers.
The remaining tiny German minority in the Czech Republic has been granted some rights on paper, however the actual use of the language in dealings with officials is usually not possible. There is no bilingual education system in Western and Northern Bohemia, where the German minority is most concentrated. The Czech authorities have enacted a unique hurdle in their minority act.
Many representatives of expelees organizations support the erection of bilingual signs in all formerly German speaking territory as a visible sign of the bilingual linguistic and cultural heritage of the region. While the erection of bilingual signs is technically permitted if a minority constitutes 10% of the population, the minority is also forced to sign a petition in favour of the signs in which 40% of the adult minority population must participate.
Like North America, Australia has received many German immigrants from Germany and elsewhere. Numbers vary depending on who is counted, but moderate criteria give an estimate of 750,000 (4% of the population).
During the Meiji era (1868-1912), many Germans came to work in Japan as advisors to the new government. Despite Japan's isolationism and geographic distance, there have been a few German people in Japan, since Germany's and Japan's fairly parallel modernization made Germans ideal O-yatoi gaikokujin.
In China, the German trading colony of Jiaozhou Bay in what is now Qingdao existed until 1914, and did not leave much more than breweries, including Tsingtao Brewery. Communist East Germany had relations with Uganda and Vietnam, but in these cases population movement went mostly to, not from, Germany.
See also: German colonial empire and List of former German colonies
Roughly grouped:
In the Americas, one can divide the groups by current nation of residence:
In Africa, Oceania, and East Asia
Ethnologue entries:
Other:
Ethnic groups in Europe | Germanic peoples | Germans | German diaspora
Volksdeutsche | ドイツ人 | გერმანელები | 독일인 | Nemci | Tyskar | 德國人
This article is licensed under the GNU Free Documentation License.
It uses material from the
"Ethnic German".
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