Desegregation is the process of ending racial segregation, most commonly used in reference to the United States. Desegregation was long a focus of the American civil rights movement, both before and after the United States Supreme Court's decision in Brown v. Board of Education, particularly desegregation of the school systems and the military (See African-Americans in the United States military before desegregation), as was the closely related but somewhat more ambitious goal of racial integration.
Together these amendments allowed blacks a large role in the political process during the Reconstruction. On both a per capita and absolute basis, more blacks were elected to political office during the period from 1865 to 1880 than at any other time in American history. After the disbanding of the Freedmens Bureau and other Reconstruction institutions, federal officials decided that the enforcement of voting rights was strictly a state matter. This strict interpretation of federalism was overthrown when the United States Congress passed the Voting Rights Act of 1965 almost a century later.
Racial desegregation was handed a setback in 1896, when the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in the case of Plessy v. Ferguson that the Fourteenth Amendment did not require facilities to be racially integrated as long as they were equal. The separate but equal doctrine prevailed for well over a half-century until it was reversed in 1954 by the Supreme Court in Brown v. Board of Education, in which the court found that racially separate facilities were inherently unequal.
In 1909 the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People was founded to foster racial integration and fair treatment toward citizens of color. One of the founders of this group was the black intellectual W. E. B. DuBois. Other important groups fostering integration were the Congress of Racial Equality, the Urban League, and, later, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. Racial integration was also encouraged by the leaders of most Jewish groups and of some labor unions, although many unions vigorously opposed it, viewing black labor as competition with white labor.
While a handful of Blacks were commissioned as officers in World War I white officers remained the rule in that conflict as well, and carried over in large part into World War II also.
One of the greatest advances for racial integration was Executive Order 9981 by President Harry S. Truman to racially integrate the armed forces shortly after World War II, which he had the authority to do under Executive Order without the need for any enabling legislation to be passed by Congress, where it likely would have met with strident opposition, particularly from representatives of many of the Southern states. Richard B. Russell, Democratic Senator from Georgia had in May 1948 attached an amendment to the Selective Services bill then being debated in Congress. The Russell amendment would have granted draftees and new inductees in the military an opportunity to choose whether or not they wanted to serve in segregated units. His amendment was defeated in committee. Executive Order 9981 was signed on July 26, 1948. In June 1950 when the Selective Services Law came up for renewel, Russell tried again to attach his segregation amendment, and again it was defeated. At the end of the month the Korean War broke out and the U.S. Army, which had done very little desegregating since Truman had issued his order, sent the segregated Eighth Army to defend South Korea. Most African American soldiers served in segregated support units in the rear, and the rest served in segregated combat units, most notably the 24th Infantry Regiment. The first months of the Korean War were some of the most disastrous in U.S. military history. The North Korean People's Army nearly pushed the American led United Nations force off the Korean peninsula. Commanders on the ground, faced with staggering losses in white units began accepting black replacements, thus integrating their units. The practice occurred all over the Korean battle lines and proved that integrated combat units could perform adequately under fire. The Army high command took notice and formally announced its plans to desegrate on July 26, 1951, exactly three years after Truman had issued Executive Order 9981.
The greatest growth of racial integration occurred as a result of the Civil Rights movement. The best-known spokesman for racial integration during the Civil Rights era was Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.. As a result of the movement, the majority of the legal basis for racial segregation was removed and the primary barriers to racial integration remained social and customary ones, which could not be repealed as could laws. As legal barriers came down and members of the races began to interact more freely, the dream of racial integration began to be more of a reality. Still, the United States remains somewhat segregated in housing patterns, although far less so than previously, and very segregated religiously; nearly all of the leading Protestant denominations still have predominantly white and predominantly black bodies, although there is a slow spread of racially integrated ones, particularly among the Pentecostal and community church movements.
In the 1971 case of Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education, the Supreme Court ruled unanimously that forced busing of students may be ordered to achieve racial desegregation. However, such court enforced school desegregation efforts have since been politically and judicially eroded. By the late 1990s U.S. schools were as segregated as they had been in the 1960s.
The impediments to a truly racially-integrated American society now come from many directions. Some are overtly racist white groups such as the Ku Klux Klan, which although far less influential than in times past still has many followers of its various factions. Other opponents of integration are Black nationalists and certain fundamentalist religious groups.
Other impediments include backlash against multiculturalism and against policies such as racial quotas and forced busing and complacency, in the form of viewing desegregation as a fait accompli.
According to the Civil Rights Project at Harvard University, the actual desegregation of U.S. public schools peaked in 1988; since that time the schools have become more segregated. As of 2005, the present proportion of Black students at majority white schools "a level lower thanin any year since 1968." *
Some critics of school desegregation have also argued that court enforced desegregation efforts were either unnecessary or self-defeating. Sociologist David Armor in court testimony and in his book Forced Justice: School Desegregation and the Law (1995) that efforts to change the racial compositions of schools had not contributed substantially to minority school achievement. Carl L. Bankston III and Stephen J. Caldas, in their books A Troubled Dream: The Promise and Failure of School Desegregation in Louisiana (2002) and Forced to Fail: The Paradox of School Desegregation (2005) argued that continuing racial inequality in the larger American society had undermined efforts to force schools to desegregate. They maintained that this continuing inequality had resulted in connections between school achievement and race. Therefore, the achievement levels of American schools were generally associated with their racial and class compositions. This meant that even parents without racial prejudice tended to engage in "white flight" and "middle class flight" in seeking the best schools for their children. As a result, efforts to impose court-ordered desegregation often led to school districts in which there were too few white students for effective desegregation as white students increasingly left for majority white suburban districts or for private schools.
The best means for achieving desegregated schools in a largely segregated, unequal society continues to be a matter for debate and disagreement.
Politics | Discrimination | History of African-American civil rights
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