| Worcester v. Georgia | ||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Decided March 3, 1832 | ||||||||
| Full case name: | ''Samuel A. Worcester v. State of Georgia |
| Citations: | 31 U.S. 515; 8 L. Ed. 483; 1832 U.S. LEXIS 489 |
| Prior history: | Defendant convicted, Gwinnett County, Georgia Superior Court (Sept. 15, 1831) |
| Subsequent history: | None |
| Chief Justice John Marshall |
| Associate Justices William Johnson, Gabriel Duvall, Joseph Story, Smith Thompson, John McLean, Henry Baldwin |
| Majority by: Marshall |
| Joined by: Johnson, Duvall, Story, Thompson |
| Concurrence by: McLean |
| Dissent by: Baldwin (without separate opinion) |
The Worcester case is highly significant in that it constituted a striking departure from the Supreme Court’s earlier treatment of claims involving Native Americans. The majority opinion here lies in stark contrast to the John Marshall opinion in Johnson v. M’Intosh, where the Court held that the United States had the right to the title of the land within its boundaries, and that the Native Americans were but residents; it also differs significantly from the Marshall opinion in Cherokee Nation v. Georgia, where the Court willingly ceded its jurisdiction over matters involving native tribes.Marshall concluded his opinion by remarking that "If it be true that the Cherokee nation have rights, this is not the tribunal in which those rights are to be asserted. If it be true that wrongs have been inflicted, and that still greater are to be apprehended, this is not the tribunal which can redress the past or prevent the future." (See 30 U.S. 1 (1831) at 20.) As Swindler suggests, Marshall’s explicit refusal to permit the Court to become entangled in Native American matters and to thus thrust itself into the middle of the political and social turmoil that resolved around the issue at that time can only be explained by Marshall’s concern with "avoiding, even if only postponing, the ultimate political issue" (Swindler, William F., Politics as Law: The Cherokee Cases, 3 American Indian Legal Review 6 (1975), at 13). However, though Marshall seemed intent in Worcester on repairing the damage rendered by the Court’s previous decisions, the outcome that was apparently favorable to the claims of the Cherokee was precluded by a hostile Congress and the equally hostile Executive, President Andrew Jackson.
The missionaries, Samuel Worcester and Elizur Butler, were targeted by Georgia because of their influence with and support of Cherokee resistance against removal. It was understood that, had they applied for state licenses to reside among the Cherokees, the licenses would have been denied. The Georgia state courts had previously been deferential to Worcester because of his federal appointment as postmaster to New Echota, the Cherokee capital. George Rockingham Gilmer, then governor of Georgia, personally persuaded the federal government to withdraw Worcester's appointment as postmaster and make him subject to arrest. Worcester is considered one of the most influential decisions in the area of law applicable to American Indians. The Marshall court had previously ruled in Cherokee Nation v. Georgia that Indian tribes in the United States did not have the status of foreign nations (famously describing them as "domestic dependent nations"); here the court ruled that the Cherokee nation was a "distinct community" with self-government, "in which the laws of Georgia can have no force". This ruling established the doctrine that the national government of the United States—and not individual states—had authority in Indian affairs.
In reaction to this decision, President Andrew Jackson has often been quoted as defying the Supreme Court with the words: "John Marshall has made his decision; now let him enforce it!" Jackson never actually said this; in fact, because of a legal loophole, he had no grounds for becoming involved unless the Georgia courts formally defied the Supreme Court. That did not happen, since Georgia simply ignored the ruling. What Jackson actually said was that "the decision of the supreme court has fell still born, and they find that they cannot coerce Georgia to yield to its mandate." Jackson's opponents criticized him for failing to act against Georgia, but even if he had wanted to intervene—and he did not—it is questionable whether he had any legal authority to do so (Prucha, p. 212). Perhaps fearing the possibility of a showdown between the Supreme Court and the Executive, and realizing the real likelihood of Jackson refusing to adhere to the Court’s pro-Cherokee decision, the Justices did not follow the standard procedure of requiring federal marshals to carry out the decision.See Berutti, Ronald A., The Cherokee Cases: The Fight to Save the Supreme Court and the Cherokee Indians, 17 American Indian Law Review 291 (1992), at 305-306. In doing so, the Supreme Court implicitly permitted Andrew Jackson to not carry out the decision, thus avoiding the possibility of a political conflict between two branches, while also retaining the pro-Cherokee decision of Worcester as good precedent for subsequent Supreme Courts and subsequent presidents.Lytle, Cliford M., The Supreme Court, Tribal Sovereignty, and Continuing Problems of State Encroachment into Indian Country, 8 American Indian Law Review 65 (1980), at 69.
There can be no question that Jackson was politically supportive of Georgia in its efforts to relocate the Cherokees. Despite winning their case in the Supreme Court, Worcester and Butler remained imprisoned until 1833, when a new governor, Wilson Lumpkin, persuaded them to accept pardons on condition that they would have nothing further to do with the Cherokees. Worcester and Butler were reluctant to accept pardons under such a condition, but were eventually pressured to do so by the combined efforts of Governor Lumpkin, their own lawyers, and their own missionary organization.
Cherokee tribe | 1832 in law | United States Supreme Court cases | United States Native American case law
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