Thomas Woodrow Wilson (December 28, 1856 – February 3, 1924) was the 28th President of the United States (1913–1921). A devout Presbyterian, he became a noted historian and political scientist. As a reform Democrat, he was elected as the 34th governor of New Jersey in 1910 and as President in 1912. His first term as President resulted in major legislation including the Federal Reserve System, the Federal Trade Commission, the Clayton anti-trust act, and the Federal Farm Loan Act. Reelected in 1916, his second term centered on World War I. He began the first effective draft in 1917, raised billions through liberty loans, imposed a stiff income tax on the rich, set up the War Industries Board, promoted labor union growth, supervised agriculture and food production through the Lever act, took over control of the railroads, and suppressed anti-war movements including the left-wing of the Socialist Party and the IWW. He spent surprisingly little attention on military affairs, but provided the funding and food supplies that made Allied victory in 1918 possible. He went to Paris in 1919 to create the League of Nations and shape the Treaty of Versailles. Wilson collapsed with a debilitating stroke in 1919, as the homefront saw massive strikes and race riots, and wartime prosperity turn into postwar depression. He refused to compromise with the Republicans who controlled Congress, so the Senate failed to ratify the Versailles Treaty. It went into effect anyway, but the U.S. never joined the league of Nations. The consensus of presidential experts ranks him in the second tier of the best presidents.
Wilson's difficulty in reading may have indicated dyslexia, but he taught himself shorthand to compensate and was able to achieve academically through determination and self-discipline. He was homeschooled and attended Davidson College for one year before transferring to College of New Jersey at Princeton, graduating in 1879. Afterward, he studied law at the University of Virginia and practiced briefly in Atlanta. He pursued doctoral study in social science at the new Johns Hopkins University. After completing and publishing his dissertation, Congressional Government, in 1886, he received his Ph.D. in political science.
In January 1882 Wilson decided to start his first law practice in Atlanta, a city which was then growing in important in the South. One of Wilson’s University of Virginia classmates, Edward Ireland Renick, invited Wilson to join his new law practice as partner. Renick had an office at 48 Marietta Street, next to the temporary state capital. Wilson joined him there in May 1882. He passed the Georgia Bar in October 1882 in a performance rated as “not short of brilliant” by the presiding judge. However, Renick and Wilson was a short-lived firm. Wilson spent much of his time reading history and political science and working on an article on government. With few cases to keep him occupied, Wilson quickly grew bored and disillusioned. Moreover, Wilson had studied law in order to eventually enter politics, but he discovered that he could not continue his study of government and simultaneously continue the reading of law necessary to stay proficient. In April 1883 Wilson applied to the Johns Hopkins University to study for his Ph.D. and in July 1883 Wilson left his law practice to begin his academic career.
Under the influence of Walter Bagehot's The English Constitution, Wilson saw the United States Constitution as pre-modern, cumbersome, and open to corruption. An admirer of Parliament (though he first visited London in 1919), Wilson favored a parliamentary system for the United States. Writing in the early 1880s, Wilson wrote:
Wilson started Congressional Government, his best known political work, as an argument for a parliamentary system, but Wilson was impressed by Grover Cleveland, and Congressional Government emerged as a critical description of America's system, with frequent negative comparisons to Westminster. Wilson himself claimed, "I am pointing out facts—diagnosing, not prescribing, remedies.". Congressional Government, 205
Wilson believed that America's intricate system of checks and balances was the cause of the problems in American governance. He said that the divided power made it impossible for voters to see who was accountable for ill-doing. If government behaved badly, Wilson asked,
The longest section of Congressional Government is on the United States House of Representatives, where Wilson pours out scorn for the committee system. Power, Wilson wrote, "is divided up, as it were, into forty-seven signatories, in each of which a Standing Committee is the court baron and its chairman lord proprietor. These petty barons, some of them not a little powerful, but none of them within reach * the full powers of rule, may at will exercise an almost despotic sway within their own shires, and may sometimes threaten to convulse even the realm itself." Congressional Government, 76. Wilson said that the committee system was fundamentally undemocratic, because committee chairs, who ruled by seniority, were responsible to no one except their constituents, even though they determined national policy.
In addition to their undemocratic nature, Wilson also believed that the Committee System facilitated corruption.
By the time Wilson finished Congressional Government, Grover Cleveland was President, and Wilson had his faith in the United States government restored. When William Jennings Bryan captured the Democratic nomination from Cleveland's supporters in 1896, however, Wilson refused to stand by the ticket. Instead, he cast his ballot for John M. Palmer, the presidential candidate of the National Democratic Party (United States), or Gold Democrats. The short-lived party, which supported a gold standard, low tariffs, and limited government, represented one of the last stands of American Classical Liberalism as a political force. David T. Beito and Linda Royster Beito, "Gold Democrats and the Decline of Classical Liberalism, 1896-1900,"Independent Review 4 (Spring 2000), 555-75.
After experiencing the vigorous presidencies from William McKinley and Theodore Roosevelt, and Wilson no longer entertained thoughts of parliamentary government at home. In his last scholarly work in 1908, Constitutional Government of the United States, Wilson said that the presidency "will be as big as and as influential as the man who occupies it". By the time of his presidency, Wilson merely hoped that Presidents could be party leaders in the same way prime ministers were. Wilson also hoped that the parties could be reorganized along ideological, not geographic, lines. "Eight words," Wilson wrote, "contain the sum of the present degradation of our political parties: No leaders, no principles; no principles, no parties." Frozen Republic, 145
Wilson delivered an oration at Princeton's sesquicentennial celebration (1896) entitled "Princeton in the Nation's Service". (This has become a frequently alluded-to motto of the University, sometimes expanded to "Princeton in the World's Service.") In this famous speech, he outlined his vision of the university in a democratic nation, calling on institutions of higher learning "to illuminate duty by every lesson that can be drawn out of the past".
The trustees promoted Professor Wilson to president of Princeton in 1902. He had bold plans. Although the school's endowment was barely $4 million, he sought $2 million for a preceptorial system of teaching, $1 million for a school of science, and nearly $3 million for new buildings and salary raises. As a long-term objective, Wilson sought $3 million for a graduate school and $2.5 million for schools of jurisprudence and electrical engineering, as well as a museum of natural history. He achieved little of that because he was not a strong fund raiser, but he did grow the faculty from 112 to 174 men, most of them personally selected as outstanding teachers. The curriculum guidelines he developed proved important progressive innovations in the field of higher education. To enhance the role of expertise Wilson instituted academic departments and a system of core requirements where students met in groups of six with preceptors, followed by two years of concentration in a selected major. He tried to raise admission standards and to replace the "gentleman C" with serious study. Wilson aspired, as he told alumni, "to transform thoughtless boys performing tasks into thinking men."
In 1906-10 he attempted to curtail the influence of the elitist "social clubs" by moving the students into colleges. This was met with resistance from many alumni. Wilson felt that to compromise "would be to temporize with evil.". Walworth 1:109 Even more damaging was his confrontation with Andrew Fleming West, Dean of the graduate school, and West's ally, former President Grover Cleveland, a trustee. Wilson wanted to integrate the proposed graduate building into the same quadrangle with the undergraduate colleges; West wanted them separated. West outmaneuvered Wilson and the trustees rejected Wilson's plan for colleges in 1908, and then endorsed West's plans in 1909. The national press covered the confrontation as a battle of the elites (West) versus democracy (Wilson). Wilson, after considering resignation, decided to take up invitations to move into New Jersey state politics. Walworth v 1 ch 6, 7, 8
A series of programs were targeted at farmers. The "Smith Lever" act of 1914 created the modern system of agricultural extension agents sponsored by the state agricultural colleges. The agents taught new techniques to farmers. The 1916 "Federal Farm Loan Board" issued low-cost long-term mortgages to farmers.
Child labor was curtailed by the Keating-Owen act of 1916, but the U.S. Supreme Court declared it unconstitutional in 1918.
The railroad brotherhoods threatened in summer 1916 to shut down the national transportation system. Wilson tried to bring labor and management together, but when management refused he had Congress pass the "Adamson Act" in September 1916, which avoided the strike by imposing an 8-hour work day in the industry (at the same pay as before). It helped Wilson gain union support for his reelection; the act was approved by the Supreme Court.
Until Wilson announced his support for the suffrage amendment, a group of women calling themselves the Silent Sentinels protested in front of the White House, holding banners such as "Mr. President—What will you do for woman suffrage?"
Wilson spent 1914 through the beginning of 1917 trying to keep America out of the war in Europe. He offered to be a mediator, but neither the Allies nor the Central Powers took his requests seriously. Republicans, led by Theodore Roosevelt, strongly criticized Wilson’s refusal to build up the U.S. Army in anticipation of the threat of war. Wilson won the support of the U.S. peace element by arguing that an army buildup would provoke war. He vigorously protested Germany’s use of submarines as illegal, causing his Secretary of State William Jennings Bryan to resign in protest in 1915. Wilson was able to win reelection in 1916 by picking up many votes that had gone to Roosevelt or Eugene V. Debs in 1912. His supporters praised him for avoiding war with Germany or Mexico while maintaining a firm national policy. Renominated in 1916, Wilson's major campaign slogan was "He kept us out of the war." That is his supporters praised him for avoiding open conflict with Germany or Mexico. Wilson, however, never promised to keep out of war regardless of provocation. In his acceptance speech on September 2, 1917, Wilson pointedly warned Germany that submarine warfare that took American lives would not be tolerated:
Wilson narrowly won the election, defeating Republican candidate Charles Evans Hughes, who had a strikingly similar progressive record.
Wilson had decided by then that the war had become a real threat to humanity. Unless the U.S. threw its weight into the war, as he stated in his declaration of war speech, Western civilization itself could be destroyed. His statement announcing a "war to end all wars" meant that he wanted to build a basis for peace that would prevent future catastrophic wars and needless death and destruction. This provided the basis of Wilson's Fourteen Points, which were intended to resolve territorial disputes, ensure free trade and commerce, and establish a peacemaking organization, which later emerged as the League of Nations.
To stop defeatism at home, Wilson pushed the Espionage Act of 1917 and the Sedition Act of 1918 through Congress to suppress anti-British, pro-German, or anti-war opinions. He welcomed socialists who supported the war, like Walter Lippmann but would not tolerate those who tried to impede the war efforts—many of whom ended up in prison. His wartime policies were strongly pro-labor, and the American Federation of Labor and other unions saw enormous growth in membership and wages. There was no rationing, so consumer prices soared. As income taxes increased, white-collar workers suffered. Appeals to buy war bonds were highly successful, however. Bonds had the result of shifting the cost of the war to the affluent 1920s.
Wilson set up the United States Committee on Public Information, headed by George Creel (thus its popular name, Creel Commission), which filled the country with patriotic anti-German appeals and conducted various forms of censorship.
After Russia left the war following the Bolshevik Revolution and started providing help to the Germans, the Allies sent troops to prevent a German takeover. Wilson sent expeditionary forces to hold key cities and rail lines; they did not engage in combat. He withdrew the soldiers on April 1, 1920.[Levin, Woodrow Wilson and World Politics, p 67. Everett M. Dirksen, "Use of U.S. Armed Forces in Foreign Countries," Congressional Record, June 23, 1969, 16840-43
After the Great War, Wilson participated in negotiations with the stated aim of assuring statehood for formerly oppressed nations and an equitable peace. On January 8, 1918, Wilson made his famous Fourteen Points address, introducing the idea of a League of Nations, an organization with a stated goal of helping to preserve territorial integrity and political independence among large and small nations alike.
Wilson intended the Fourteen Points as a means toward ending the war and achieving an equitable peace for all the nations. He spent six months at Versailles for the 1919 Paris Peace Conference (making him the first U.S. president to travel to Europe while in office). He worked tirelessly to promote his plan. The charter of the proposed League of Nations was incorporated into the conference's Treaty of Versailles.
For his peacemaking efforts, Wilson was awarded the 1919 Nobel Peace Prize. However, Wilson failed to win Senate support for ratification and the United States never joined the League. Republicans under Henry Cabot Lodge controlled the Senate after the 1918 elections, but Wilson refused to give them a voice at Paris and refused to agree to Lodge's proposed changes. The key point of disagreement was whether the League would diminish the power of Congress to declare war. Historians generally have come to regard Wilson's failure to win U.S. entry into the League as perhaps the biggest mistake of his administration, and even as one of the largest failures of any American presidency.*
Wilson broke with many of his closest political friends and allies in 1918-20. He desired a third term, but his Democratic party was in turmoil, with German voters outraged at their wartime harassment, and Irish voters angry at his failure to support Irish independence.
| OFFICE | NAME | TERM |
| President | Woodrow Wilson | 1913–1921 |
| Vice President | Thomas R. Marshall | 1913–1921 |
| Secretary of State | William J. Bryan | 1913–1915 |
| Robert Lansing | 1915–1920 | |
| Bainbridge Colby | 1920–1921 | |
| Secretary of the Treasury | William G. McAdoo | 1913–1918 |
| Carter Glass | 1918–1920 | |
| David F. Houston | 1920–1921 | |
| Secretary of War | Lindley M. Garrison | 1913–1916 |
| Newton D. Baker | 1916–1921 | |
| Attorney General | James C. McReynolds | 1913–1914 |
| Thomas W. Gregory | 1914–1919 | |
| A. Mitchell Palmer | 1919–1921 | |
| Postmaster General | Albert S. Burleson | 1913–1921 |
| Secretary of the Navy | Josephus Daniels | 1913–1921 |
| Secretary of the Interior | Franklin K. Lane | 1913–1920 |
| John B. Payne | 1920–1921 | |
| Secretary of Agriculture | David F. Houston | 1913–1920 |
| Edwin T. Meredith | 1920–1921 | |
| Secretary of Commerce | William C. Redfield | 1913–1919 |
| Joshua W. Alexander | 1919–1921 | |
| Secretary of Labor | William B. Wilson | 1913–1921 |
Wilson reintroduced official segregation in federal government offices, for the first time since 1863. "His administration imposed full racial segregation in Washington and hounded from office considerable numbers of black federal employees."* Wilson fired many black Republican office holders, but also appointed a few black Democrats. W.E.B. DuBois, a leader of the NAACP, campaigned for Wilson and in 1918 was offered an Army commission in charge of dealing with race relations. (DuBois accepted but failed his Army physical and did not serve.)Ellis, Mark. "'Closing Ranks' and 'Seeking Honors': W. E. B. du Bois in World War I" Journal of American History 1992 79(1): 96-124. Issn: 0021-8723 Fulltext in Jstor When a delegation of blacks protested his discriminatory actions, Wilson told them that "segregation is not a humiliation but a benefit, and ought to be so regarded by you gentlemen". In 1914, he told New York Times that "If the colored people made a mistake in voting for me, they ought to correct it".
Woodrow Wilson's History of the American People, praised the Ku Klux Klan of the 1860s, and was repeatedly quoted in the film The Birth of a Nation, which has come under fire for alleged racism. Wilson was a classmate of Thomas Dixon, author of the novel The Clansman upon which the film is based. Dixon arranged a special White House preview (this was the first time a film was shown in the White House). Wilson did not make the statement, "It is like writing history with lightning...and yet it is all so true." That was invented by a Hollywood press agent. In fact Wilson felt he had been tricked by Dixon and publicly said he did not like the film; Wilson blocked its showing during the war. Link vol 2 pp 252-54.
Irish Americans were powerful in the Democratic party and opposed going to war alongside their enemy Britain, especially after the violent suppression of the Easter Rebellion of 1916. Wilson won them over in 1917 by promising to ask Britain to give Ireland its independence. At Versailles, however, he reneged and the Irish-American community vehemently denounced him. Wilson, in turn, blamed the Irish Americans and German Americans for the lack of popular support for the League of Nations, saying, "There is an organized propaganda against the League of Nations and against the treaty proceeding from exactly the same sources that the organized propaganda proceeded from which threatened this country here and there with disloyalty, and I want to say--I cannot say too often--any man who carries a hyphen about with him carries a dagger that he is ready to plunge into the vitals of this Republic whenever he gets ready."American Rhetoric, "Final Address in Support of the League of Nations", Woodrow Wilson, delivered 25 Sept 1919 in Pueblo, CO. John B. Duff, "German-Americans and the Peace, 1918-1920" American Jewish Historical Quarterly 1970 59(4): 424-459. and Duff, "The Versailles Treaty and the Irish-Americans" Journal of American History 1968 55(3): 582-598. Issn: 0021-8723
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وودرو ويلسون | উড্রো উইল্সন | Woodrow Wilson | Удроу Уилсън | Woodrow Wilson | Woodrow Wilson | Woodrow Wilson | Woodrow Wilson | Woodrow Wilson | Woodrow Wilson | توماس وودرو ويلسون | Woodrow Wilson | Woodrow Wilson | Thomas Woodrow Wilson | 우드로 윌슨 | Woodrow Wilson | Woodrow Wilson | Woodrow Wilson | Woodrow Wilson | וודרו וילסון | वूड्रो विल्सन | Woodrow Wilson | ウッドロウ・ウィルソン | Woodrow Wilson | Woodrow Wilson | Woodrow Wilson | Woodrow Wilson | Thomas Woodrow Wilson | Woodrow Wilson | Вильсон, Томас Вудро | Woodrow Wilson | Woodrow Wilson | Woodrow Wilson | Вудро Вилсон | Woodrow Wilson | Woodrow Wilson | Woodrow Wilson | Thomas Woodrow Wilson | 伍德罗·威尔逊
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