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Urdu
 

() is an Indo-European language of the Indo-Aryan family that developed under Persian, Pashto, Turkish, Arabic, Hindi, and Sanskrit influence in South Asia during the Delhi Sultanate and Mughal Empire (1200-1800).

Taken by itself, is approximately the twentieth most populous natively spoken language in the world, and is the national language of Pakistan as well as one of the 24 national languages of India.

is often contrasted with Hindi, another standardised form of Hindustani that is the official language of India. The primary differences between the two are that Standard is written in Nastaliq script and draws heavily on Persian and Arabic vocabulary, while standard Hindi is written in Devanāgarī and has supplemented some of its Persian and Arabic vocabulary with words from Sanskrit .

Speakers and geographic distribution

There are between 60 and 80 million native speakers of standard (Khari Boli). Overall, besides the more than 160 million who speak in Pakistan, there is a considerable Indian population who communicate in everyday. According to the SIL ethnologue (1999 data), Hindi/Urdu is the fifth most spoken language in the world. According to Comerie (1998 data), Hindi-Urdu is the second most spoken language in the world, with 330 million native speakers.

Because of 's extreme similarity to Hindi, speakers of the two languages can usually understand one another, if both sides refrain from using specialized vocabulary. Indeed, linguists sometimes count them as being part of the same language diasystem. However, and Hindi are socio-politically different, and people who self-describe as being speakers of Hindi would question their being counted as as native speakers of , and vice-versa.

In Pakistan, is spoken and understood by a majority of urban dwellers in such cities as Karachi, Lahore, Rawalpindi/Islamabad, Faisalabad, Hyderabad, Multan, Peshawar, Gujranwala, Sialkot, Sukkur and Sargodha. is used as the official language in all provinces of Pakistan. It is also taught as a compulsory language up to high school in both the English and medium school systems. This has produced millions of speakers whose mother tongue is one of the regional languages of Pakistan such as Punjabi, Sindhi, Pashto, Gujarati, Kashmiri, Balochi, Siraiki, Gujrati, and Brahui. is the lingua franca of Pakistan and is absorbing many words from regional languages of Pakistan. The regional languages are also being influenced by vocabulary. Most of the nearly five million Afghan refugees of different ethnic origins (such as Pakhtun, Tajik, Uzbek, Hazarvi, and Turkmen) who stayed in Pakistan for over twenty-five years have also become fluent in .

In India, is spoken in places where there are large Muslim majorities or cities which were bases for Muslim Empires in the past. These include parts of Uttar Pradesh, Delhi, Bhopal, Lucknow, Hyderabad, Bangalore, and Mysore. Some Indian schools teach as a first language and have their own syllabus and exams, Indian madrasahs also teach Arabic as well as . India has more than 2900 daily newspapers. Newspapers such as Daily Salar, Daily Pasban, Siasat Daily, Munsif Daily and Inqilab are published and distributed in Bangalore, Mysore, Hyderabad, and Mumbai.

is also spoken in Kashmir and urban Afghanistan. Outside South Asia, it is spoken by large numbers of workers in the major urban centers of the Persian Gulf countries and Saudi Arabia. is also spoken by large numbers of immigrants and their children in the major urban centers of the United Kingdom, the United States, Canada, Norway and Australia.

Countries with large numbers of speakers:

Official status

is the national language of Pakistan. It shares official language status with English. Although English is used in most elite circles, and Punjabi has a plurality of native speakers, is the lingua franca and is expected to prevail. is also one of the official languages of India, and in the Indian states of Andhra Pradesh, Delhi, Jammu and Kashmir, and Uttar Pradesh, has official language status. While the government school system in most other states emphasises Standard Hindi, at universities in cities such as Lucknow, Aligarh and Hyderabad, is spoken and learned and is regarded as a language of prestige.

Urdu is also the language of 1 million Bangladeshi who are mainly descendants of their immigrant parents from India.

Classification and related languages

is a member of the Indo-Aryan family of languages (i.e., those languages descending from Sanskrit), which is in turn a branch of the Indo-Iranian branch (which comprises the Indo-Aryan and the Iranian branch), which itself is a branch of the Indo-European linguistic family. If Hindi and are considered to be same language (Hindustani (or Hindi-)), then can be considered to be a part of a dialect continuum which extends across eastern Iran, Afghanistan and modern Pakistan —right into north India. These idioms all have similar grammatical structures and share a large portion of their vocabulary. Punjabi, for instance, is very similar to : Punjabi written in the Shahmukhi script can be understood by speakers of with little difficulty, but spoken Punjabi has a very different phonology (pronunciation system) and can be harder to understand for speakers.

Dialects

has four recognised dialects: Dakhini, Pinjari, Rekhta, and Modern Vernacular (based on the Khariboli dialect of the Delhi region). Sociolinguists also consider iself one of the four major variants of the Hindi- dialect continuum. *

Modern Vernacular is the form of the language that is least widespread and is spoken around Delhi, Lucknow, Karachi and Lahore, it becomes increasingly divergent from the original form of as it loses some of the complicated Persian and Arabic vocabulary used in everyday terms.

Dakhini (also known as Dakani, Deccani, Desia, Mirgan) is spoken in Maharashtra state in India and around Hyderabad. It has fewer Persian and Arabic words than standard .

In addition, Rekhta (or Rekhti), the language of poetry, is sometimes counted as a separate dialect.

Grammar

Main article: Hindustani (Hindi-Urdu) Grammar

Despite and English both being Indo-European languages, grammar can be very complex and is different in many ways from what English speakers are used to. Most notably, is a subject-object-verb language, meaning that verbs usually fall at the end of the sentence rather than before the object (as in English). also shows mixed ergativity so that, in some cases, verbs agree with the object of a sentence rather than the subject. Unlike English, has no definite article (the). The numeral ek might be used as the indefinite singular article (a/an) if this needs to be stressed.

In addition, uses postpositions (so called because they are placed after nouns) where English uses prepositions. Other differences include gender, honourifics, interrogatives, use of cases, and different tenses. While being complicated, grammar is fairly regular, with irregularities being relatively limited. Despite differences in vocabulary and writing, grammar is nearly identical with Hindi. also has a unique punctuation system. Periods are sometimes used to end a sentence, though the traditional "full stop" (a vertical line "-") is more generally used. After a heading, a colon followed by a dash (-:) is used. Colons are used in almost the same way as in English. Semi-colon and ellipsis are not generally used in . However, we can see their use sometimes because is still evolving and is influenced by English. punctuation sometimes uses western conventions for commas, exclamation points, and question marks.

Genders

In (and of course in Hindi too), there are only two genders for nouns. All male human beings and male animals (or those animals and plants which are perceived to be "masculine") are masculine. All female human beings and female animals (or those animals and plants which are perceived to be "feminine") are feminine. Things, inanimate articles and abstract nouns are also either masculine or feminine according to convention, which must be memorised by non- speakers if they wish to learn correct . While this is similar to Hindi and most other Indo-European languages such as French, it is a very challenging learning requirement for speakers of languages who do not have such gender inflection. It is also a challenge for those who are used to only the English language, which although an Indo-European language, has nearly dropped all of its gender inflection.

The ending of a word, if a vowel, usually helps in this gender classification. If a word of Hindi origin ends in long ā, it is normally masculine. If a word ends in ī, i, or iyā, it is normally feminine. Similarly, the gender is also tried to be preserved for words borrowed from Arabic, Persian, Sanskrit and other gender-based languages. The categorisation of words directly borrowed from English (which are numerous) is very arbitrary—but could be influenced by the ending. Adjectives ending in long * must get inflected to agree with the gender of the noun.

Interrogatives

Besides the standard interrogative terms of who (کؤن kaun), what (کیا kyā), why (کیوں kyon), when (کب kab), where (کہاں kahān), how and what type (کیسا kaisā), how many (کِتنا kitnā), etc, the word (کیا kyā) can be used as a generic interrogative often placed at the beginning of a sentence to turn a statement into a Yes/No question. This makes it clear when a question is being asked. Questions can also be formed simply by modifying intonation, exactly as some questions are in English.

Pronouns

has pronouns in the first, second and third person, all for one gender only. Thus, unlike English, there is no difference between he or she. More strictly speaking, the third person of the pronoun is actually the same as the demonstrative pronoun (this / that). The verb, upon conjugation, usually indicates the difference in the gender. The pronouns have additional cases of accusative and genitive. There may also be multiple ways of inflecting the pronoun, which are given in parentheses. Note that for the second person of the pronoun you, has three levels of honourifics:
  • آپ āp/*: Formal and respectable form for you. Has no difference between the singular and the plural. Used in all formal settings and speaking to persons who are senior in job or age. Plural could be stressed by saying you people (آپ لوگ āp log)) or you all (آپ سب āp sab).
  • تُم tum/*: Informal form of you. Has no difference between the singular and the plural. Used in all informal settings and speaking to persons who are junior in job or age. Plural could be stressed by saying you people (تُم لوگ tum log) or you all (تُم سب tum sab).
  • تُو tū/*: Extremely informal form of you, as thou. Strictly singular, its plural form would be تُم tum. Except for children, very close friends, or poetic language (either with God or with lovers), its use could be perceived as offensive in Pakistan or India.

Imperatives (requests and commands) correspond in form to the level of honourific being used, and the verb inflects to show the level of respect and politeness desired. Because imperatives can already include politeness, the word مہربانی "meharbānī", which can be translated as "please", is much less common than in spoken English; it is generally only used in writing or announcements.

Word order

The standard word order in is, in general, Subject Object Verb, but where different emphasis or more complex structure is needed, this rule is very easily set aside (provided that the nouns/pronouns are always followed by their postpositions or case markers). More specifically, the standard order is 1. Subject 2. Adverbs (in their standard order) 3. Indirect object and any of its adjectives 4. Direct object and any of its adjectives 5. Negation term or interrogative, if any, and finally the 6. Verb and any auxiliary verbs. (Snell, p93) The standard order can be modified in various ways to impart emphasis on particular parts of the sentence. Negation is formed by adding the word نہیں nahīn, meaning "no", in the appropriate place in the sentence, or by utilizing ن na or مت mat in some cases. Note that in , the adjectives precede the nouns they qualify. The auxiliaries always follow the main verb. Also, speakers or writers enjoy considerable freedom in placing words to achieve stylistic and other socio-psychological effects, though not as much freedom as in heavily inflected languages.

Tense and aspect of verbs

verbal structure is focused on aspect with distinctions based on tense usually shown through use of the verb to be (ہونا honā) as an auxiliary. There are three aspects: habitual (imperfect), progressive (also known as continuous) and perfective. Verbs in each aspect are marked for tense in almost all cases with the proper inflected form of honā. has four simple tenses, present, past, future (presumptive), and subjunctive (referred to as a mood by many linguists). Verbs are conjugated not only to show the number and person (1st, 2nd, 3rd) of their subject, but also its gender. Additionally, has imperative and conditional moods.

Case

is a weakly inflected language for case; the relationship of a noun in a sentence is usually shown by postpositions (i.e., prepositions that follow the noun). has three cases for nouns. The Direct case is used for nouns not followed by any postpositions, typically for the subject case. The Oblique case is used for any nouns that is followed by a postposition. Adjectives modifying nouns in the oblique case will inflect that same way. Some nouns have a separate Vocative case. has two numbers: singular and plural—but they may not be shown distinctly in all declinations.

Also see Hindi Grammar

Levels of formality in

The order of words in is not as rigidly fixed as it is thought to be by traditional grammarians. Although usually (but not invariably) an sentence begins with a subject and the ends with a verb. That is why is often called as SOV language (e.g. Subject-Object-Verb language). However, speakers or writers enjoy considerable freedom in placing words in an utterance to achieve stylistic effects, see Bhatia and Koul (2000, pp. 34-35).

in its less formalised register has been referred to as a rekhta (ریختہ, ), meaning "rough mixture". The more formal register of is sometimes referred to as zabān-e-urdu-e-mo'alla (زبانِ اردوِ معلہ, ), the "Language of Camp and Court".

The etymology of the word used in the language for the most part decides how polite or refined your speech is. For example, speakers would distinguish between پانی pānī and آب āb, both meaning "water" for example, or between آدمی ādmi and مرد mard, meaning "man". The former in each set is used colloquially and has Hindi origins, while the latter is used formally and poetically, being of Persian origin.

If a word is of Persian or Arabic origin, the level of speech is considered to be more formal and grand. Similarly, if Persian or Arabic grammar constructs, such as the izafat, are used in , the level of speech is also considered more formal and grand. If a word is of Hindi or Sanskrit origin, the level of speech is considered more colloquial and personal. The grammar constucts based on Hindi are prevalent in the language used on a day to day basis.

Politeness

A host of words are used to show respect and politeness. This emphasis on politeness, which is reflected in the vocabulary, is known as takalluf in . These words are generally used when addressing elders, or people with whom one is not acquainted. For example, the English pronoun 'you' can be translated into three words in the singular forms tu (informal, extremely intimate, or derogatory) and tum (informal and showing intimacy called "apna pun" in ) and the plural form āp (formal and respectful). Similarly, verbs, for example, "come," can be translated with degrees of formality in three ways:

  1. آ‏ئے āye/or آ‏یں āen/[aːẽn (nasalised n) ( formal and respectful)
  2. آ‏و āo/* (informal and intimate with less degree)
  3. آ ā/* (extremely informal, intimate and often derogatory).

Vocabulary

has a vocabulary rich in words with Indian and Middle Eastern origins. The borrowings are dominated by words from Hindi, Persian, and Arabic. There are also a small number of borrowings from Sanskrit, Turkish, Portuguese and more recently English. Many of the words of Arabic origin have different nuances of meaning and usage than they do in Arabic. In fact, is the classical example of the Muslim empire's curiosity.

means Army, it has vocabulary and other characteristics of many languages spoken in close areas where recruitments are made. Army needed a common language which everbody can understand and learn easily. So they formed a language which contains words from every country/language in the army.

Writing System

is written in a derivative of the Persian alphabet, which is itself derivative of the Arabic alphabet. Like Semitic Languages, script is written from right to left. is similar in appearance and letters to Arabic, Sindhi, Persian, and Pashto. In their modern incarnation, differs in appearance from Arabic in that it typically uses the more complex and sinuous Nasta’liq style of script, whereas Arabic is more commonly written in the modernised Naskh style. Nasta’liq is notoriously difficult to typeset, so newspapers were made from hand-written masters (a.k.a katib or khush-navees) until the late 1980s. The daily Jang was the first newspaper composed in Nasta’liq on computer. There are efforts underway to develop more sophisticated and user-friendly support on computers and the Internet. Nowadays, nearly all newspapers, magazines, journals, and periodicals are composed on computers via various software programs. can also be written in the Devanagari script. This often occurs in India as many Indians speak but are not literate in it (i.e. Lucknow). Instead they use the more common Devanagari script. ghazals are also frequently written in the Devanagari script.

Usually, bare transliterations of into Roman letters omit many phonemic elements that have no equivalent in English or other languages commonly written in the Latin alphabet. It should be noted that a reasonably comprehensive system has emerged with specific notations to signify non-English sounds, but it can only be properly read by someone already familiar with , Persian, or Arabic for letters such as: or and Hindi for letters such as . This script may be found on the Internet, and it allows people who understand the language but without knowledge of their written forms to communicate with each other.

A list of the alphabet and pronunciation is given below. contains many historical spellings from Arabic and Persian, and therefore has many irregularities. The Arabic letters yaa and haa are split into two in : one of the yaa variants is used at the ends of words for the sound *, and one of the haa variants is used to indicate the aspirated consonants. The retroflex consonants needed to be added as well; this was accomplished by placing a superscript ط (to'e) above the corresponding dental consonants. Several letters which represent distinct consonants in Arabic are conflated in Persian, and this has carried over to .

Letter Name of letter Pronunciation in the IPA
alif after a consonant; silent when initial. Close to an English long a as in Mask.
be English b.
pe English p.
te dental Close to French t as in trois.
ṭe retroflex Close to English T.
se Close to English s
jīm Same as English j
cīm/ce Same as English ch, not like Scottish ch
baṛī he voicleless h, partially an Alveolar consonant
khe Slightly rolled version of Scottish "ch" as in loch
dāl dental
ḍāl retroflex
zāl
re dental
aṛ retroflex
ze
zhe
sīn
shīn
su'ād
zu'ād
to'e
zo'e
‘ain after a consonant; otherwise , , or silent.
ghain voiced version of
fe
qāf
kāf
gāf
lām
mīm
nūn or a nasal vowel
vā'o
choṭī he at the end of a word, otherwise or silent
do cashmī he indicates that the preceding consonant is aspirated (p, t, c, k) or murmured (b, d, j, g).
choṭī ye
baṛī ye
hamzah or silent

is occasionally also written in the Roman script. Roman has been used since the days of the British Raj, partly as a result of the availability and low cost of Roman movable type for printing presses. The use of Roman was common in contexts such as product labels. Today it is regaining popularity among users of text-messaging and Internet services and is developing its own style and conventions. Habib R. Sulemani says, "The younger generation of -speaking people around the world are using on the Internet and it has become essential for them, because they use the Internet and English is its language. A person from Islamabad chats with another in Delhi on the Internet only in Roman . They both speak the same language but with different scripts. Moreover, the younger generation of those who are from the English medium schools or settled in the west, can speak but can’t write it in the traditional Arabic script and thus Roman is a blessing for such a population." Roman also holds significance among the Christians of North India. was the dominant native language among Christians of Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, and Rajasthan in the early part of 1900s and is still used by some people in these Indian states. Indian Christians often used the Roman script for writing . Thus Roman was a common way of writing among Indian Christians in these states up to the 1960s. The Bible Society of India publishes Roman Bibles which enjoyed sale late into the 1960s (though they are still published today). Church songbooks are also common in Roman . However, the usage of Roman is declining with the wider use of Hindi and English in these states. The major South Asian film industries, Bollywood and Lollywood, are also noteworthy for their use of Roman for their movie titles.

Also see Roman .

Examples

English Urdu Transliteration Notes
Hello السلام علیکم lit. "Peace be upon you."
اداب would generally
be used to give respect
و علیکم السلام
is the correct response.
Hello اداب عرض ہے "Regards to you"
(lit Regards are expressed),
a very formal secular greeting.
Good Bye خدا حافظ Khuda is Persian for God,
and hāfiz is from Arabic hifz "protection".
So lit. "May God be your Guardian."
Standard and commonly used
by Muslims and non-Muslims OR al vida formally spoken all over
yes ہاں casual
yes جی formal
yes جی ہاں confident formal
no نا casual
no نہیں, جی نہیں formal
please مہربانی
thank you شکریہ
Please come in تشریف لائیے lit. Bring your honour
Please have a seat تشریف رکھیئے lit. Place your honour
I am happy to meet you اپ سے مل کر خوشی ہوی lit. It is a pleasure to have met you
Do you speak English? کیا اپ انگریزی بولتے ہیں؟
I do not speak . میں اردو نہیں بولتا nahīn boltā (male) bolti (female)}}
My name is ... میرا نام ۔۔۔ ہے
Which way to Lahore لاھور کس طرف ہے؟
Where is Lucknow? لکھنو کہاں ہے؟
is a good language. اردو ایک اچھی زبان ہے ek acchī zabān hai}}

Common difficulties faced in learning

  • the phonetic mechanism of some sounds peculiar to (eg. ṛ, dh etc) The distinction between aspirated and unaspirated consonants will be difficult for English speakers. In addition, the distinction between dental and alveoloar (or retroflex) consonants will also pose problems. English speakers will find that they need to carefully distinguish between four different d-sounds and four different t-sounds.
  • pronunciation of vowels: In English, unstressed vowels tend to have a "schwa" quality. The pronunciation of such vowels in English is changed to an "uh" sound; this is called reducing a vowel sound. The second syllable of "unify" is pronounced //, not . The same for the unstressed second syllable of "person" which is also pronounced // rather than "oh." In , English-speakers must constantly be careful not to reduce these vowels.
    • In this respect, probably the most important mistake would be for English speakers to reduce final "ah" sounds to "uh." This can be especially important because an English pronunciation will lead to misunderstandings about grammar and gender. In , وہ بولتا ہے voh boltā hai is "he talks" whereas وہ بولتی ہے voh boltī hai is "she talks." A typical English pronunciation in the first sentence would be "voh boltuh hai," which will be understood as "she talks" by most -native speakers.
  • The 'a' ending of many gender-masculine words of native origin, due to romanisation, is highly confused by non-native speakers, because the short 'a' is dropped in (i.e. ہونا honā).
  • the Verbal concordance; exhibits split ergativity; see Ergative-absolutive language for an example.
  • Relative-correlative constructions. In English interrogative and relative pronouns are the same word. In "Who are you?" the word "who" is an interrogative, or question, pronoun. In "My friend who lives in Sydney can speak ," the word "who" is not an interrogative, or question-pronoun. It is a relative, or linking-pronoun. In , there are different words for each. The interrogative pronoun tends to start with the "k" sound:" kab = when?, kahān = where?, kitnā = how much? The relative pronouns are usually very similar but start with "j" sounds: jab = when, jahān = where, jitnā = how much.

Literature

has only become a literary language in recent centuries, as Persian and Arabic were formerly the idioms of choice for "elevated" subjects. However, despite its late development, literature boasts some world-recognised artists and a considerable corpus.

Prose

Religious

After Arabic and Persian, holds the largest collection of work on Islamic literature and Sharia. These include translations and interpretation of Qur'an, commentary on Hadith, Fiqh, history, spirituality, Sufism and metaphysics. A great number of classical texts from Arabic and Persian, have also been translated into . Relatively inexpensive publishing, combined with the use of as a lingua franca among Muslims of South Asia, has meant that Islam-related works in far outnumber such works in any other South Asian language. Two of the most popular Islamic books, originally written in , are the Fazail-e-Amal and the Bahar-e-Shariat.

Literary

Secular prose includes all categories of widely known fiction and non-fiction work, separable into genres.

The dāstān, or tale, a traditional story which may have many characters and complex plotting. This has now fallen into disuse.

The afsāna, or short story, probably the best-known genre of fiction. The best-known afsāna writers, or afsāna nigār, in are Saadat Hasan Manto, Qurat-ul-Ain Haider, Munshi Premchand, Ismat Chughtai, Krishan Chander, Ghulam Abbas, Banu Qudsia and Ahmed Nadeem Qasmi. Munshi Premchand, became known as a pioneer in the afsāna, though some contend that his were not technically the first as Sir Ross Masood had already written many short stories in .

Novels form a genre of their own, in the tradition of the English novel.

Other genres include saférnāma (i.e: Odyssey, lit: travel story), mazmoon (i.e: Essay), sarguzisht, inshaeya, murasela, and khud navvisht (i.e: Autobiography).

Poetry

has been the premiere language of poetry in South Asia for two centuries, and has developed a rich tradition in a variety of poetic genres. The 'Ghazal' in represents the most popular form of subjective poetry, while the 'Nazm' exemplifies the objective kind, often reserved for narrative, descriptive, didactic or satirical purposes. Under the broad head of the Nazm we may also include the classical forms of poems known by specific names such as 'Masnavi' (a long narrative poem in rhyming couplets on any theme: romantic, religious, or didactic), 'Marsia' (an elegy traditionally meant to commemorate the martyrdom of Hazrat Imam Hussain, grandson of Prophet Muhammad, and his comrades of the Karbala fame), or 'Qasida' (a panegyric written in praise of a king or a nobleman), for all these poems have a single presiding subject, logically developed and concluded. However, these poetic species have an old world aura about their subject and style, and are different from the modern Nazm, supposed to have come into vogue in the later part of the nineteenth century.

Foreign forms such as the sonnet, azad nazm (a.k.a Free verse) and haiku have also been used by some modern poets.

Probably the most widely recited, and memorised genre of contemporary poetry is naat—panegyric poetry written in praise of the Prophet Muhammad. Nāt can be of any formal category, but is most commonly in the ghazal form. The language used in nāt ranges from the intensely colloquial to a highly Persianised formal language. The great early twentieth century scholar Imam Ahmad Raza Khan, who wrote many of the most well known nāts in , epitomised this range in a ghazal of nine stanzas (bayt) in which every stanza contains half a line each of Arabic, Persian, formal , and colloquial Hindi. The same poet composed a salām—a poem of greeting to the Prophet Muhammad, derived from the unorthodox practice of qiyam, or standing, during the mawlid, or celebration of the birth of the Prophet—Mustafā Jān-e Rahmat, which, due to being recited on Fridays in some speaking mosques throughout the world, is probably the more frequently recited poems of the modern era.

Another important genre of prose are the poems commemorating the martyrdom of imam Hussain and Battle of Karbala, called noha (نوحہ) and marsia. Anees and Dabeer are famous in this regard.

poetry terminology

Ash'ār (اشعار) (Couplet). It consists of two lines, Misra (مصرعہ); first line is called Misra-e-āla (مصرعہ اعلی) and the second is called 'Misra-e-sānī' (مصرعہ ثانی). Each verse embodies a single thought or subject (sing) She'r (شعر).

History

developed as local Indo-Aryan dialects came under the influence of the Muslim courts that ruled South Asia from the early thirteenth century. The official language of the Delhi Sultanate, the Mughal Empire, and their successor states, as well as the cultured language of poetry and literature, was Persian, while the language of religion was Arabic. Most of the Sultans and nobility in the Sultanate period were Persianised Turks from Central Asia who spoke Turkish as their mother tongue. The Mughals were also Turks from Central Asia and spoke Persian as a second language. The mingling of these languages led to a vernacular that is the ancestor of today's . Dialects of this vernacular are spoken today in cities and villages throughout Pakistan and northern India. Cities with a particularly strong tradition of include Hyderabad, Islamabad, Karachi, Lahore, and Lucknow.

The birthplace of the language is not known with certainty. literature has a long Arabic history, however, and because of this it has strong middle eastern roots. The word itself comes from the Turkish word ordu, "tent" or "army", from which we get the word "horde". Hence is sometimes called "Lashkarī zabān" or the language of the army. Furthermore, armies of India often contained soldiers with various native tongues. Hence, was the chosen language to address the soldiers as it abridged several languages.

Wherever Muslim soldiers and officials settled, they carried with them. (along with Persian) enjoyed commanding status in the literary courts of Muslim rulers and Nawabs, and flourished under their patronage, partially displacing Sanskrit as the language of religious intellectuals in Indian society. The prestige bestowed upon at the expense of Sanskrit was a source of irritation for many religious Hindus, and to this day there remains religiously motivated conflict between the languages that sometimes makes dialogue difficult.

continued as one of many languages in Northwest India. In 1947, was established as the national language of the Islamic Republic of Pakistān in the hope that this move would unite and homogenise the various ethnic groups of the new nation. suddenly went from a language of a minority to the language of the majority. Today, is taught throughout Pakistāni schools and spoken in government positions, and it is also common in much of Northern India. 's sister language, Hindī, is the official language of India.

and Hindī

Technically, linguists do not distinguish between Hindī and as separate languages. For them, and Hindī can be seen as variants of the same spoken language (Hindustānī) with being written in Perso-Arabic script and with a heavy Persian and Arabic vocabulary (cf. Webster's New World Dictionary). Both these languages are based on the Khariboli dialect—the dialect of the Delhi region. However, Standard and Standard Hindī are definitely distinct languages—for the purpose of politics and sociolinguistics-although in terms of mutual intelligibility, they would still be considered dialects of the same language. There are two fundamental distinctions between them:
  1. The source of borrowed vocabulary (Persian or Sanskrit), and the script used to write them (an adaptation of the Persian script written in Nasta'liq style, or the Devanagari alphabet). In colloquial situations in much of the Indian subcontinent, where neither learned vocabulary nor writing is used, the distinction between the and Hindī tends to zero. In other dialect areas, the distinction may become even more pronounced even in colloquial speech, for "Hindī" in such cases will often refer to the local dialect.
  2. The most important distinction at this level is in the script: if written in the Perso-Arabic script, the language is generally considered to be , and if written in Devanagari it is generally considered to be Hindi. Since the Partition of India, the formal registers used in education and the media in India have become increasingly divergent from in their vocabulary. Where there is no colloquial word for a concept, Standard uses Perso-Arabic vocabulary, while Standard Hindī uses Sanskrit vocabulary. This results in the official languages being heavily Sanskritised or Persianised, and unintelligible to speakers educated in the other standard (as far as the formal vocabulary is concerned).

Note that for the purpose of linguistics, neither of above two arguments qualify for the purpose of considering Hindī and to be separate languages. For example, English has about 80-90% of its technical and formal vocabulary coming from Latin (mostly through French). But this fact does not make English a Romance language (i.e., languages descending from Latin)—English is always considered to be a Germanic language, because its "common and everyday vocabulary" and grammar is based upon Old German. Script never causes distinction between languages, because linguistics deals with language as it is "spoken," regarding script as but choice construction.

It can be argued that Standard Hindī is a form of colloquial Hindustānī, intentionally de-Persianised and de-Arabicised, with its formal vocabulary borrowed instead from Sanskrit. Similarly, it can also be argued that Standard is also a form of Hindustānī, intentionally de-Sanskritised, with its formal vocabulary borrowed instead from Persian and Arabic.

These two standardised registers of Hindustānī have become so entrenched as separate languages that often nationalists, both Muslim and Hindu, claim that Hindī and have always been separate languages. However, there are unifying forces. For example, it is said that Indian Bollywood films are made in "Hindī", but the language used in most of them is almost the same as that of speakers. The dialogue is frequently developed in English and later translated to an intentionally neutral Hindustānī which can be easily understood by speakers of most speakers of most North Indian languages, both in India and in Pakistan.

Also see Hindi.

and Bollywood

The Indian film industry based in Mumbai is often called Bollywood. The language used in Bollywood films is often called Hindī, but most dialogues are actually written in Hindustānī -- they can be understood by and Hindī speakers alike. The film industry wants to reach the largest possible audience, and it cannot do that if the dialogue of the film is too one-sidedly Hindī or . This rule is broken only for song lyrics, which use elevated, poetic language. Often, this means using poetic words, of Arabic and Persian origin. A few films, like Umrao Jaan, Pakeezah, and Mughal-e-azam, have used vocabulary that leans more towards , as they depict places and times when would have been used.

From the 1950s through the 1970s, Bollywood films displayed the name of the film in Hindī, , and Roman scripts. Most Bollywood films today present film titles in Roman , although some also include the Hindī and scripts.

Urdenglish

There is a tendency to use English words and expressions in speech in Pakistan. This mixture is popularly known as Urdenglish. According to Khalid Ahmed of Daily Times * :

Those who speak sabotage it with colourless English words. The so-called ‘English-medium’ community does it all the time. So do most politicians. Asked to speak only in most of us go into contortions of unease. But the unkindest cut of all is that our great creative writers in too can’t speak for a minute without plastering us with ordinary not-too-original English expressions.

Footnote

As in Ghalib's famous couplet* where he compares himself to his great predecessor, the master poet Mir :

script
ریختے کے تمہیں استاد نہیں ہو غالب
کہتے ہیں اگلے زمانے میں کوئی میر بھی تھا
Transliteration
Rekhte ke tumhen ustād nahīn ho Ghālib
Kahte hain agle zamāne men ko'ī Mīr bhī thā
Translation
You, alone, are not the only expert of 'Rekhta', Ghalib
It is said that even once there existed someone named Mir

Bibliography/References

Bhatia, Tej K. and Koul Ashok. (2000). "Colloquial Urdu: The Complete Course for Beginners." London: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-13540-0 (Book); ISBN 0-415-13541-9 (cassette); ISBN 0-415-13542-7 (book and casseettes course)

  • Asher, R. E. (Ed.). (1994). The Encyclopedia of language and linguistics. Oxford: Pergamon Press. ISBN 0-0803-5943-4.
  • Azad, Muhammad Husain: Ab-e hayat (Lahore: Naval Kishor Gais Printing Wrks) 1907 Urdu; (Delhi: Oxford University Press) 2001 English translation
  • Azim, Anwar. (1975). Urdu a victim of cultural genocide. In Z. Imam (Ed.), Muslims in India (p. 259).
  • Bhatia, Tej K. Colloquial Hindi: The Complete Course for Beginners. London, UK & New York, NY: Routledge, 1996. ISBN 0415110874 (Book), 0415110882 (Cassettes), 0415110890 (Book & Cassette Course)
  • Chatterji, Suniti K. (1960). Indo-Aryan and Hindi (rev. 2nd ed.). Calcutta: Firma K.L. Mukhopadhyay.
  • Dua, Hans R. (1992). Hindi-Urdu as a pluricentric language. In M. G. Clyne (Ed.), Pluricentric languages: Differing norms in different nations. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. ISBN 3-1101-2855-1.
  • Dua, Hans R. (1994b). Urdu. In Asher (Ed.) (pp. 4863-4864).
  • Dua, Hans R. (1994a). Hindustani. In Asher (Ed.) (pp. 1554).
  • Kelkar, A. R. (1968). ''Studies in Hindi-Urdu: Introduction and word phonology. Poona: Deccan College.
  • Khan, M. H. (1969). Urdu. In T. A. Sebeok (Ed.), Current trends in linguistics (Vol. 5). The Hague: Mouton.
  • Narang, G. C.; & Becker, D. A. (1971). Aspiration and nasalization in the generative phonology of Hindi-Urdu. Language, 47, 646-767.
  • Ohala, M. (1972). Topics in Hindi-Urdu phonology. (PhD dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles).
  • "A Desertful of Roses", a site about Ghalib's ghazals by Dr. Frances W. Pritchett, Professor of Modern Indic Languages at Columbia University, New York, NY, USA.
  • Rai, Amrit. (1984). A house divided: The origin and development of Hindi-Hindustani. Delhi: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-1956-1643-X.
  • Snell, Rupert Teach yourself Hindi: A complete guide for beginners. Lincolnwood, IL : NTC

See also

alphabetically arranged

External links

Sites About

Online Use of

Languages of India | Languages of Pakistan | Languages of Fiji | Hindustani | Urdu

أردو | Urdu jezik | Ourdoueg | Урду | Urdú | Urdu | Urdu | އުރުދޫ | Urdu | Urduo | Ourdou | Urdú | 우르두어 | उर्दू भाषा | Bahasa Urdu | Lingua urdu | אורדו | ურდუ | Bahasa Urdu | Urdu | ウルドゥー語 | Urdu | Język urdu | Língua urdu | Урду | Urdu | Urdu | Urdu | உருது | ภาษาอูรดู | Urduca | اردو | 乌尔都语

 

This article is licensed under the GNU Free Documentation License. It uses material from the "Urdu".

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