Taiwanese (; Taiwanese Pe̍h-oē-jī: Tâi-gí or Tâi-oân-oē) is a dialect of Min Nan Chinese spoken by about 70% of Taiwan's population. The sub-ethnic group in Taiwan for which Taiwanese is considered a native language is known as Hoklo (the correspondence between language and ethnicity is not absolute, however, as some Hoklo speak Taiwanese poorly while some non-Hoklo speak Taiwanese fluently). Pe̍h-oē-jī (POJ) is a popular orthography for this language, and Min-nan in general (see below).
As a branch of Min-nan, there is both a colloquial version and a literary version of Taiwanese. The literary version, which was originally developed in the 10th century in Fujian and based on Middle Chinese, was brought to Taiwan by the immigrants. Literary Taiwanese was used at one time for formal writing, but is now largely extinct. A great part of the Taiwanese language is mutually intelligible with Hokkien and other dialects of Min-nan.
Recent work by scholars such as Ekki Lu, Sakai Toru, and Lí Khîn-hoāⁿ (also known as Tavokan Khîn-hoāⁿ or Chin-An Li), based on former research by scholars such as Ông Io̍k-tek, has gone so far as to associate part of the basic vocabulary of the colloquial language with the Austronesian and Tai language families; however, such claims are not without controversy.
The consonants as represented in pe̍h-oē-jī are listed below, followed by their pronunciation in IPA:
| Voiced | Unvoiced Unaspirated | Unvoiced Aspirated | Nasal | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Alveolar | s 1 | |||
| Palatoalveolar | j 1, 2 | ch 1 | chh 1 | |
| Bilabial | b 3 | p | ph | m |
| Dental | l | t | th | n |
| Velar | g 3 | k | kh | ng |
| Glottal | h 4 | |||
1 The consonants s, j, ch, and chh are realized as , , , and when in front of i.
2 The consonant j could also be , or when in front of i.
3 The consonants b and g could also be and .
4 The consonant h represents a glottal stop at the end of a syllable.
| TLPA | a | e | i | o | oo | u | m | ng |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| POJ | a | e | i | o | o· | u | m | ng |
| PSDB (普實台文) | a | e | i | oi | o | u | m | ng |
The vowel o is akin to a schwa; in contrast, o· is more open. In addition, there are several diphthongs and triphthongs (for example, iau). The consonants m and ng can function as a syllabic nucleus and are therefore included here as vowels. The vowels may be either plain or nasal: a is non-nasal, and aⁿ is the same vowel with concurrent nasal articulation. This is similar to French, Portuguese, and many other languages.
Conventional linguistic analysis describes the tones on a five-point scale, with 1 being the lowest pitch and 5 the highest. Here, the tones are shown following the traditional tone class categorization above, and are correlated with the tones of Middle Chinese (shown in Han characters, last column below):
For tones 4 and 8, a final consonant p, t, or k may appear. When this happens, it is impossible for the syllable to be nasal. Indeed, these are the counterpart to the nasal final consonants m, n, and ng, respectively, in other tones. However, it is possible to have a nasal 4th or 8th tone syllable such as siaⁿh, as long as there is no final consonant other than h.
A tone number 0, typically written with a double dash (--) before the syllable with this tone, is used to denote the extent of a verb action, the end of a noun phrase, etc.
In the dialect spoken near the northern coast of Taiwan, there is no distinction between tones number 8 and number 4 – both are pronounced as if they follow the tone sandhi rules of tone number 4.
Compare with Hangul.
See the work by Tiuⁿ Jū-hông and Wi-vun Taiffalo Chiung in the References, and the work by Robert L. Cheng (Tēⁿ Liông-úi) of the University of Hawaii, for modern linguistic approaches to tones and tone sandhi in Taiwanese.
Among the apparently cognate-less words are many basic words with properties that contrast with similar-meaning words of pan-Chinese derivation. Often the former group lacks a standard Han character, and the words are variously considered colloquial, intimate, vulgar, uncultured, or more concrete in meaning than the pan-Chinese synonym. Some examples: lâng (person, concrete) vs. jîn (人, person, abstract); cha-bó· (woman) vs. lú-jîn (女人, woman, literary). Unlike the English Germanic/Latin contrast, however, the two groups of Taiwanese words cannot be as strongly attributed to the influences of two disparate linguistic sources.
Extensive contact with the Japanese language has left a legacy of Japanese loanwords. Although a small percentage of the vocabulary, their usage tends to be high-frequency because of their relevance to modern society and popular culture. Examples are: o·-tó·-bái (from オートバイ ootobai "motorcycle") and pháng (from パン pan "bread," which is itself a loanword from Portuguese). Grammatical particles borrowed from Japanese, notably te̍k (from teki 的) and ka (from か), show up in the Taiwanese of older speakers.
Whereas Mandarin attaches a syllabic suffix to the singular pronoun to make a collective form, Taiwanese pronouns are collectivized through nasalization. For example, i (he/she/it) and goá (I) become in (they) and goán (we), respectively. The -n thus represents a subsyllabic morpheme. Like all other Chinese languages, Taiwanese does not have true plurals.
Unlike English, Taiwanese has two first-person plural pronouns. This distinction is called inclusive, which includes the addressee, and exclusive, which excludes the addressee. For example, goán means we excluding you, while lán means we including you (that is, pluralis auctoris). The inclusive lán may be used to express politeness or solidarity, as in the example of a speaker asking a stranger "where do we live?", meaning "where do you live?". This distinction is a relatively common feature of Sino-Tibetan languages, the canonical example from Mandarin being 我们 (wŏmen, exclusive) vs 咱们 (zánmen, inclusive).
See Common phrases in different languages: Taiwanese.
With this, more complicated sentences can be constructed: Goá kā chúi hō· lí lim ("I give water for you to drink": chúi means "water"; lim is "to drink").
This article can only give a few very simple examples on grammar, for flavour. Linguistic work on the syntax of Taiwanese is still a (quite nascent) scholarly topic being explored.
An Tai JintianDaoJiaKanWo.wav for the sentence: "Kin-á-jit hit-ê cha-bó· gín-á lâi góan tau khòaⁿ góa." (Today that girl came to my house to see me.)
In POJ, the traditional list of letters is
Here the different orthographies are compared:
| Revised TLPA | a | i | u | e | m | ng | o | oo | ua | ue | uai | ian | uan | ing | ik | aN |
| TLPA | a | i | u | e | m | ng | o | oo | ua | ue | uai | ian | uan | ing | ik | ann |
| Missionary (POJ) | a | i | u | e | m | ng | o | o. | oa | oe | oai | ian | oan | eng | ek | an |
| Pumindian (普閩典) | a | i | u | e | m | ng | o | oo | ua | ue | uai | ien | uan | ing | ik | na |
| PSDB (普實台文) | a | i | u | e | m | ng | oi | o | oa | oe | oai | ien | oan | eng | eg | va |
| Revised TLPA | p | ph | b | m | t | th | l | n | k | kh | h | g | ng | z | c | s | j | ||
| TLPA | p | ph | b | m | t | th | l | n | k | kh | h | g | ng | c | ch | s | j | ||
| Missionary (POJ) | p | ph | b | m | t | th | l | n | k | kh | h | g | ng | ch | ts | chh | tsh | s | j |
| Pumindian (普閩典) | b | p | bb | m | d | t | l | n | g | k | h | gg | ggn | z | c | s | |||
| PSDB (普實台文) | p | ph | b | m | d | t | l | n | k | q | h | g | v | c | z | ch | zh | s | j |
| TLPA | 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6=2 | 7 | 8 |
| Missionary (POJ) | / | \ | ^ | / | - | | | ||
| Pumindian (普閩典) | - | v | \ | - | / | v | ^ | / |
| PSDB(普實台文) | af | ar | ax | aq | aa | aar(6=2) | a | ah |
The language Min-nan is registered per RFC 3066 as zh-min-nan *. Taiwanese can be represented as zh-min-nan-TW.
When writing Taiwanese in Han characters, some writers create 'new' characters when they consider it is impossible to use directly or borrow existing ones; this corresponds to similar practices in character usage in Cantonese, Vietnamese chữ nôm, Korean hanja and Japanese kanji. These are usually not encoded in Unicode (or the corresponding ISO/IEC 10646: Universal Character Set), thus creating problems in computer processing.
All Latin characters required by pe̍h-oē-jī can be represented using Unicode (or the corresponding ISO/IEC 10646: Universal character set), using precomposed or combining (diacritics) characters. Prior to June 2004, the vowel akin to but more open than o, written with a dot above right, was not encoded. The usual workaround was to use the (stand-alone; spacing) character middle dot (U+00B7, ·) or less commonly the combining character dot above (U+0307). As these are far from ideal, since 1997 proposals have been submitted to the ISO/IEC working group in charge of ISO/IEC 10646 – namely, ISO/IEC JTC1/SC2/WG2 – to encode a new combining character dot above right. This is now officially assigned to U+0358 (see documents N1593, N2507, N2628, N2699, and N2713). Font support has followed: for example, in Charis SIL.
In Taiwan, however, the Tâi-lâm (Tainan, southern Taiwan) speech is the variant of prestige, and the other major variants are the northern speech, the central speech (near Taichung and the port town of Lo̍k-káng in Changhua County), and the northern (northeastern) coastal speech (dominant in Gî-lân). The distinguishing feature of the coastal speech is the use of the vowel 'uiⁿ' in place of 'ng'. The northern speech is distinguished by the absence of the 8th tone, and some vowel exchanges (for example, 'i' and 'u', 'e' and 'oe'). The central speech has an additional vowel between 'i' and 'u', which may be represented as 'ö'.
Which variant is used depends strongly on the context, and in general people will use Mandarin in more formal situations and Taiwanese in more informal situations. Taiwanese tends to get used more in rural areas, while Mandarin is used more in urban settings, particularly in Taipei. Older people tend to use Taiwanese, while younger people tend to use Mandarin. In the broadcast media, soap opera/dramas and variety shows tend to use Taiwanese, while game shows and documentaries tend to use Mandarin. Political news is broadcasted in both Taiwanese and Mandarin.
There is a special form of musical/dramatic performance koa-á-hì: the Taiwanese opera; the subject matter is usually a historical event. A similar form of puppetry, pò͘-tē-hì ("Taiwanese puppetry"), is also unique and has been elaborated in the past two decades into impressive televised spectacles.
See Taiwanese cuisine for names of several local dishes.
In the 18th and 19th centuries, civil unrest and armed conflicts were frequent in Taiwan. In addition to resistance against the government (both Chinese and Japanese), battles between ethnic groups were also significant: the belligerent usually grouped around the language they use. History recorded battles between the Hakka and the Taiwanese-language speakers; between these and the aborigines; and between those who spoke the Choâⁿ-chiu variant of what became the Taiwanese language and those who spoke the Chiang-chiu variant.
Later, in the 20th century, the conceptualization of Taiwanese is more controversial than most variations of Chinese because at one time it marked a clear division between the Mainlanders who arrived in 1949 and the pre-existing majority native Taiwanese. Although the political and linguistic divisions between the two groups have blurred considerably, the political issues surrounding Taiwanese have been more controversial and sensitive than for other variants of Chinese.
The history of Taiwanese and the interaction with Mandarin is complex and at times controversial. Even the name is somewhat controversial. Some dislike the name Taiwanese as they feel that it belittles other variants such as Mandarin, Hakka, and the aboriginal languages which are spoken on Taiwan. Others prefer the name Min-nan or Hokkien as this views Taiwanese as a variant of the speech which is spoken on Fujian province in Mainland China. Others dislike the name Min-nan and Hokkien for precisely the same reason. One can get into similar controversial debates as to whether Taiwanese is a language or a dialect.
Although the use of Taiwanese over Mandarin was historically part of the Taiwan independence movement, the linkage between politics and language is not as strong as it once was. Fluency in Taiwanese has become a de facto requirement for political office in Taiwan for both independence and unificationist politicians. At the same time even some supporters of Taiwan independence have played down its connection with Taiwanese language in order to gain the support of the Mainlanders and Hakka.
James Soong restricted the use of Taiwanese and other local tongues in broadcasting while serving as Director of the Government Information Office earlier in his career, but later became one of the first Mainlander politicians to use Taiwanese in semi-formal occasions. Since then, politicians opposed to Taiwan independence have used it frequently in rallies even when they are not native speakers of the language and speak it badly. Conversely, politicians who have traditionally been identified with Taiwan independence have used Mandarin on formal occasions and semi-formal occasions such as press conferences. An example of the latter is President Chen Shui-bian who uses Mandarin in all official state speeches, but uses Taiwanese in political rallies and some informal state occasions such as New Year greetings, although in the latter case he never uses Taiwanese exclusively.
In the early 21st century, there are few differences in language usage between the anti-independence leaning Pan-Blue Coalition and the independence leaning Pan-Green Coalition. Both tend to use Taiwanese at political rallies and sometimes in informal interviews and both tend to use Mandarin at formal press conferences and official state functions. Both also tend to use more Mandarin in northern Taiwan and more Taiwanese in southern Taiwan. However at official party gatherings (as opposed to both Mandarin-leaning state functions and Taiwanese-leaning party rallies), the DPP tends to use Taiwanese while KMT and PFP tend to use Mandarin. The Taiwan Solidarity Union, which advocates a strong line on Taiwan independence, tends to use Taiwanese even in formal press conferences. In speaking, politicians will frequently code switch. In writing, almost everyone uses vernacular Mandarin which is farther from Taiwanese, and the use of semi-alphabetic writing or even colloquial Taiwanese characters is rare.
Despite these commonalities, there are still different attitudes toward the relationship between Taiwanese and Mandarin. In general, while supporters of Chinese reunification believe that all languages used on Taiwan should be respected, they tend to believe that Mandarin should have a preferred status as the common working language between different groups. Supporters of Taiwan independence tend to believe that either Taiwanese should be preferred or that no language should be preferred.
In 2002, the Taiwan Solidarity Union, a party with about 10 % of the Legislative Yuan seats at the time, suggested making Taiwanese a second official language. This proposal encountered strong opposition not only from Mainlander groups but also from Hakka and aboriginal groups who felt that it would slight their home languages, as well as others who objected to the proposal on logistical grounds and on the grounds that it would increase ethnic tensions. Because of these objections, support for this measure is lukewarm among moderate Taiwan independence supporters, and it appears very unlikely to pass.
In 2003, there was a controversy when parts of the civil service examination for judges were written in characters used only in Taiwanese. After strong objections, these questions were not used in scoring. As with the official-language controversy, objections to the use of Taiwanese came not only from Mainlander groups, but also Hakka and aborigines.
Chinese language | Languages of Taiwan | Min Nan | Taiwanese culture
Tâi-oân-oē | Taiwanische Sprache | Taïwanais | 대만어 | 台湾語 | Тайваньский язык (диалект) | ภาษาไต้หวัน | Tayvanca | 臺灣話 | 臺灣話
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