Dorje Shugden is a deity of Tibetan Buddhism whose precise nature — angelic or demonic — is disputed among adherents of Tibetan Buddhism, especially its Gelugpa sect.
Dorje Shugden (), "Powerful thunderbolt"; also known as Dhol-rgyal) is a relatively recent, but highly controversial deity within the complex pantheons of Himalayan Buddhism. Widely (but not universally) regarded as the wrathful spirit of a deceased lama, he is primarily associated with two influential lamas: Pabongkha Rinpoche and Trijang Rinpoche of the Gelugpa (also Gelukpa) school of Tibet. However, Shugden was never an official practice of Gelug school or any other school of Tibetan Buddhism.
The modern controversy surrounding the deity refers to a particular brand of Gelugpa exclusivism that emerged in Central and Eastern Tibet during the late 19th and early 20th centuries, where the deity was seen as demarcating the boundaries of Gelugpa religious practice, especially in opposition to growing influence of Nyingmapa and Ri-mé thinkers. Many Gelugs started to follow the ideas of the Ri-mé movement, but conservative Gelugs, especially Pabongkha Rinpoche, got concerned about the "Purity" of the Gelug school and opposed the ideas of Ri-mé. In many sources it is quoted that disciples of him destroyed Nyingma monasteries and their statues of Padmasambhava. This on-going tension has reached new heights in the Tibetan exile context, where the Fourteenth Dalai Lama (Trijang Rinpoche was one of his teacher) started first to distance himself from Shugden and later used his position as the political and religious head of Tibet to stop the ever-growing influence of the worship of Shugden. Many of the opponents of Shugden stress the sectarian and demonical character of that practice whereas the followers are convinced Shugden is a Buddha and cannot be harmful in any way. Because the Shugden worship caused much disharmony among the different traditions (especially Nyingma and Gelug schools) Shugden is seen by the present Dalai Lama and other high Buddhist authorities, like Namkai Norbu Rinpoche, as opposing the interests of the Tibetan cause and Buddhist religious practice in general.
The dispute developed international dimensions in the 1990s, when the Dalai Lama's statements against the practice of Shugden challenged the British-based New Kadampa Tradition to oppose him. They publicly accused the Dalai Lama of religious persecution and going against human rights. The so-called Shugden Supporter Community (SSC) behind which NKT was the main force started a huge media campaign. These organisations tried to get the intervention of Amnesty International (AI), but Amnesty International denied a need for it. (See below)
In February of 1997, three anti-Shugden Tibetan Buddhist monks, including the Dalai Lama's close friend and confidant seventy-year-old Lobsang Gyatso (the principal of the Institute of Buddhist Dialectics), were brutally murdered in Dharamsala, India, the Tibetan capital in exile. The three murdered monks were repeatedly stabbed and then cut up in a manner resembling a ritual exorcism. The Indian police believe the murders were carried out by monks loyal to Shugden and that the perpetrators are now under the protection of the Chinese government.Newsweek April 28 1997, On the other hand, the Shugden Society in New Delhi denies any involvement in the murders or threats.Mike Wilson, 1999, Schisms, murder, and hungry ghosts in Shangra-La - internal conflicts in Tibetan Buddhist sect, [http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m2096/is_1_49/ai_54482231/pg_8
The historical origin of Dhogyal (Shugden) is not clear. Most scriptural documents on him appeared at the 19th century. There exist different orally transmitted versions about his origin, but in the key points, they contradict one other. Some references to Shugden are found in the biography of the 5th Dalai Lama. That is why most agree that the origin of Shugden started at the time of the 5th Dalai Lama. According to a letterLetter to the Assembly of Tibetan Peoples Deputies, Sakya Trizin, June 15 1996, Archives of ATPD of the present head of the Sakya Tradition, H.H. Sakya Trizin, some Sakyas worshipped Shugden as a lower deity, but Shugden was never a part of the Sakya Institutions. Pabongkha Rinpoche, a Gelug Lama of the 20th century, who received this practice from his root guru, is attributed with spreading reliance on Dorje Shugden widely within the Gelug tradition "during the 1930s and 1940s, and in this way a formerly marginal practice became a central element of the Gelug tradition."David N. Kay: Tibetan and Zen Buddhism in Britain: Transplantation, Development and Adaptation, London and New York, published by RoutledgeCurzon, ISBN 0-415-29765-6, page 48
Since its inception, the practice has been disputed within all four Tibetan Buddhist Schools. There has been a dispute in the Gelug tradition as to whether he is a Buddha or a Demon; also, most masters from the other Tibetan Buddhist schools (Kagyu, Nyingma and Sakya) see Shugden (Dhogyal) as a Demon. Pabongkha Rinpoche was himself contradictionary on Shugden. In his first commentaries on the practice, he dealt with him as worldly (unenlightened) Dharmapalas are dealt with: the disciple has to control him by his Tantric Power and give him orders. Later Shugden was established as being the enlightened Buddha Manjushri.
The dispute can be summarized as follows:
Driving this dispute is the inherent nature of Dorje Shugden, which is to "protect" the Gelugpa lineage from adulteration by the traditions of other lineages, especially the Nyingmapa. His practice includes a promise not even to touch a Nyingma scripture, and several pro-Shugden lamas have said Shugden will kill those who violate this vow. "Conservative" Gelugpas may find such language congenial to their views, while "liberals" are more likely to stress the arbitrary nature of such sectarian divisions. The dispute appears mainly theological; however the extent to which theology dovetails with more secular interests of particular monasteries, families, and other power-holders should not be overlooked.
Though the roots of the Dorje Shugden controversy are more than 360 years old, the issue surfaced within the Tibetan exile community during the 1970s. After Zemey Rinpoche published the Yellow Book, which included stories passed by Pabongkha Rinpoche and Trijang Rinpoche, members of the Gelugpa sect who also practiced Gelug and Nyingma teachings and were killed by Shugden. After publication of the Yellow Book, the current (fourteenth) Dalai Lama expressed his opinion in several closed teachings that the practice should be stopped, although he made no general public statement. Finally, in 1995, he felt the necessity to make his opinion of the practice public and did so during open teachings, during which he made it clear that to practice Dorje Shugden was to oppose the Tibetan cause and harm his life, effectively obliging institutions, including monasteries, to abandon the practice or make the practice secret and personal. He further requested that anyone pursuing this practice should no longer attend his Teachings, stressing that it would go against the close bond between student and teacher if the student were to do practices harmful to their teacher. Some lamas such as Gonsar Rinpoche and Geshe Kelsang Gyatso protested against this because they felt an implied loss of freedom caused by His Holinesses public statements. Mainly the NKT organised demonstrations and a press campaign, which attracted international media attention to the issue during the 1990s. NKT founder Geshe Kelsang Gyatso was expelled from Sera Monastery because of his behavior against the Dalai Lama.
His Holiness the Fourteenth Dalai Lama advised this although he has in the past received Shugden empowerments from one of his teachers, Trijang Rinpoche. That is why he has been criticized by NKT members and some Shugden adherents who say that he has failed to observe the vows given by one of his teachers. On the other hand his decision is in accordance with the advice of the Buddha (Kalama Sutra), the commentaries on Guru devotion by Je Tsongkhapa, and the Vinaya to accept only what is reasonable, well checked, and in accordance with the Dharma, and not just because tradition or teachers taught it.
The Dorje Shugden controversy has both religious and political dimensions, and both are closely related. The religious dimension concerns the Gelug debate between inclusive and exclusive interpretations of the Gelug tradition. There are prominent adepts of Tsongkhapa's teachings like the Great 5th, the Great 13th, and the present 14th Dalai Lama, with an open, eclectic approach to spiritual practice, and prominent adepts like Pabongkha Rinpoche with an exclusive approach connecting Dorje Shugden with the idea of supremacy, purity, and exclusivism. According to Kay, “whilst the conservative elements of the Gelug monastic establishment have often resented the inclusive and impartial policies of the Dalai Lamas towards revival Tibetan Buddhist traditions, the Dalai Lama has in turn rejected exclusivism on the grounds of that encourages sectarian disunity and thereby harms the interests of the Tibetan state.”Kay pages 50, 51, 52 Thus the Dalai Lamas have spoken out against what they saw as spiritualy harmful as well as nationally damaging. Especially during Tibet’s present political circumstance the present Dalai Lama felt the urge to speak against Dorje Shugden practice. In sum the Dalai Lama’s main criticisms of Shugden practice is that the "practice fosters religious intolerance and harms the Tibetan cause and unity".
There are different political interpretations of that conflict.
On one hand “it has been suggested that the Dalai Lama, in rejecting Dorje Shugden, is speaking out against a particular quasi-political factions within the Gelug tradition-in-exile who are opposed to his modern, ecumenical and democratic political vision, and who believe that the Tibetan government” “should champion a fundamentalist version of Tibetan Buddhism as a state religion in which the dogmas of the Nyingmapa, Kagyuepa, and Sakyapa schools are heterodox and discredited.”Sparham 1996: 12 According to this interpretation, Dorje Shugden has become a political symbol for this “religious fundamentalist party”. From this point of view, the rejection of Dorje Shugden should be interpreted "not as an attempt to stamp out a religious practice he disagrees with, but as a political statement". According to Sparham: "He has to say he opposes a religious practice in order to say clearly that he wants to guarantee to all Tibetans an equal right to religious freedom and political equality in a future Tibet."Sparham 1996: 13
Dreyfus argues that although the political dimension forms an important part of that dispute it does not provide an adequate explanation for it. He traces back the conflict more on the exclusive/inclusive approach and maintains that to understand the Dalai Lamas point of view one has to consider the complex ritual basis for the institution of the Dalai Lamas, which was developed by the Great Fifth and rests upon "an eclectic religious basis in which elements associated with the Nyingma tradition combine with an overall Gelug orientation"Dreyfus 1998: 269 This involves the promotion and practices of the Nyingma school. The 5th Dalai Lama was criticized by and has been treated in a hostile manner by conservative elements of the Gelug monastic establishment for doing this and for supporting Nyingma practitioners. The same happened when the 14th Dalai Lama started to encourage the devotion to Padmasambhava, central to the Nyingmas, and when he introduced Nyingma rituals at his personal Namgyal Monastery (Dharmasala, India). Whilst the 14th Dalai Lama started to encourage the devotion to Padmasambhava for the purpose of unifying the Tibetans and "to protect Tibetans from danger"Dreyfus 1998: 262, the "more exclusively orientated segments of the Gelug boycotted the ceremonies", and in that context the sectarian Yellow Book was published.
On the other hand, practitioners of Shugden argue that the actions of the Dalai Lama are not religious at all but are solely politically motivated. The exclusive/inclusive dispute and some points of the political dimension have been discussed in detail. This part of the article attempts to summarise and illustrate other scholarly essaysHuman Rights in Global Perspective; ed Richard Wilson, published by Routelidge Curzon, ISBN 0415304105Tibetan Independence Movement: Political, Religious and Gandhian Perspectives, Jane Ardley, published by RoutledgeCurzon ISBN 070071572X concerning the political dimension of the Shugden controversy and also include the view of Shugden followers.
Wilson argues that "the Dalai Lama’s request that Shugden worshippers not receive the tantric initiations — the foundation of the ‘root-guru’ relationship — from him, effectively placed them outside the fold of the exiled Tibetan polity." He establishes this view by arguing that the Tibetan Government in Exile (TGIE) is a theocracy and that the Dalai Lama's statements in Spring 1996 "during a Buddhist tantric initiation that Shugden was an “evil spirit” whose actions were detrimental to the “cause of Tibet”" reflect the Dalai Lama's decision to "move more forcefully" in response "to growing pressure – particularly from the Nyingmapa, who threatened withdrawal of their support in the Exiled Government project".Wilson, p56.
Particular features of a theocratic institution that Wilson identifies are that, "religious freedom is restricted because state power is marshaled in favour of a particular set of religious beliefs (and, by extension, against others), the intention being to eradicate alternative beliefs and pursue national homogeneity of belief."
According to Wilson this pursuit of religious homogeneity have been illustrated during "The last thirty years" which have "witnessed the growing ascendancy, both in exile and within Tibet, of the Dalai Lama as either the direct root–guru of all those firmly interested in Tibetan independence (often through the numerous mass Kalachakra empowerments he has given since 1959) or, more commonly, the indirect apex of an increasingly unified pyramid of lamaic (guru-disciple) relationships, many of which transcend the sectarian divides which became entrenched within Tibetan Buddhism during the centuries following the 5th Dalai Lama’s establishment of centralized Gelugkpa rule in Central Tibet." In this context, by criticising the practice of Shugden, the TGIE is asserting "the functional role of religion within the constitution for a sacral political life centered on the Dalai Lama and held together primarily by acts of ritualized loyalty." or as Helmut Gassner (Swiss), a former interpreter of the Dalai Lama and a Shugden follower, argues "...for most Tibetans nothing is more important than the Dalai Lama's life; so if one is labelled an enemy of the Dalai Lama, one is branded as a traitor and therewith 'free-for-all' or an outlaw."Dalai Lama Dorje Shugden, Helmut Gassner, Friedrich-Naumann-Foundation Hamburg, March 26th 1999, *
Jane Ardley writes, "…the Dalai Lama, as a political leader of the Tibetans, was at fault in forbidding his officials from partaking in a particular religious practice, however undesirable. However given the two concepts (religious and political) remain interwoven in the present Tibetan perception, an issue of religious controversy was seen as threat to political unity. The Dalai Lama used his political authority to deal with what was and should have remained a purely religious issue. A secular Tibetan state would have guarded against this."
Ardley references the following directive published by the Tibetan Governement in Exile to illustrate the "interwoven" nature of the politics and religion:
In his concluding remarks, Wilson observes that "…the debate surrounding Shugden was primarily one of differing understandings of the constitution of religious rights as an element of state life, particularly in the context of theocratic rule. As an international dispute, moreover, it crossed the increasingly debated line between theocratic Tibetan and liberal Western interpretations of the political reality of religion as category." In particular he sees the main failing of the Shugden Supporters Campaign as arising from their erroneous assertion of "the separation of religion and state as the basis for the understanding of religious freedom and denied any legitimate functioning role to Buddhism within the constitution of that state."
Whereas Kay states "The Dalai Lama opposes the Yellow Book and Dorje Shugden propitiation because they defy his attempts to restore the ritual foundations of the Tibetan state and because they disrupt the basis of his leadership, designating him as an “enemy of Buddhism” and potential target of the deities retribution."
Another point of the political dimension is the involvement of the Chinese, interested to use this conflict to undermine the unity of the Tibetans and their faith towards the Dalai Lama: "Tibet analyst Theirry Dodin said China had encouraged division among the Tibetans by promoting followers of the Dorje Shugden sect to key positions of authority."BBC NEWS, Dalai Lama 'behind Lhasa unrest', May 10,2006 *
Within Tibetan Buddhism there are several main schools (Nyingma, Kagyu, Sakya, and Gelug), and each of these have many sub-schools. The practices and Deities emphasized vary somewhat from school to school. In the Tibetan tradition, there are hundreds of Dharma Protectors, with each monastery having its own Dharmapala. Some of them are considered to be enlightened beings, some not. However Dharmapalas are not the main teaching of any Buddhist school.
The "founding myth" behind Shugden worship involves a lama named Drakpa Gyaltsen (1618-1655) who was a rival of the Fifth Dalai Lama, Lobsang Gyatso (1617-1682). In fact the former seems to have been a candidate to become the Fifth Dalai Lama himself (i.e., while a child, some lamas proposed him as the reincarnation of the Fourth) but was passed over. Their rivalry continued, however, and according to legend resulted in the early death (perhaps the murder) of Drakpa Gyaltsen. Later Trijang Rinpoche said, in reality there was no rivalry and pointed to that event as a "skilful means" (to tame the mind of disciples).
There is the saying in Tibetan tradition, murder victims often become transformed into vengeful spirits. Therefore, Shugden adherents believe the Lama Drakpa Gyeltsen was able to transform his wrath to religious ends, namely the protection of the Gelugpa tradition against "political pressures toward greater ecumenicalism" among Tibetan Buddhist sects. Hence his transformation into the "protector deity" Shugden. Geshe George Dreyfuss doubts the historicity of this legend because there are no reliable scriptural sources of the historical background for this, and this legend was written about later by apologists of Shugden.
What can be stated as a fact is that the beginning of worship of Dorje Shugden was the death of the Lama Drakpa Gyaltsen at the time of the Fifth Dalai Lama. However, it is not clear if he was "reborn" out of grudge, out of compassion, or even if he was enlightened.
Key figures in the modern popularization of worshipping Dorje Shugden are Pabongkha (1878-1944), a charismatic Khampa lama who seems to have been the first historical Gelugpa figure to promote Shugden worship as a major element of Gelugpa practice; and Trijang Rinpoche (1901-1981), a Ganden lama who was one of the tutors of the present Dalai Lama. The Lama Pabongkha put great emphasis on spreading this practice and was scolded by the Thirteenth Dalai Lama for doing so. Pabongkha Rinpoche promised to stop. After the death of the Thirteenth Dalai Lama, Pabongkha began to spread the practice even more than before. Out of his influence and charisma, the practice became quite popular in the Gelug tradition. But there were also high Gelug Lamas like the senior tutor of H.H. the Dalai Lama, Kyabje Ling Rinpoche, Kachen Yeshe Gyaltsen, and others who not only didn’t practice Shugden but also advised against the practice.
The prominent Dzogchen master Chögyal Namkhai Norbu Rinpoche "has been insisting on the importance of failing to appreciate the danger inherent in such cults""A Spirit of the XVII Secolo", Raimondo Bultrini, Dzogchen Community published in Mirror, January 2006 and started to warn his followers relating to that cult and people who follow it.
The conflict and refutations cannot be understood fully without seeing the complex historical, religious, social, scientific, and cultural background and the struggle of the reformers, conservatives, and traditionalists in Tibet. The practice of Shugden involves family relations too. For instance one Shugden oracle (Kuten lama) is the uncle of Kelsang Gyatso the founder of New Kadampa Tradition. On the other hand Tibet was quite isolated, and there was not much scientific background. Even at the time when the Chinese took over Tibet, Buddhist Teachers in Tibet (and the Dalai Lama) taught that the earth was flat, the moon shone from itself and was only as far away from earth as the sun is, and the texts on the "history" of Tibet told about building a thousand stupas in one day, and the like.
Because of his responsibility as the political and religious leader of the Tibetans, the Dalai Lama's duty is to balance the different interests and be sensitive towards the different traditions and relationships. "It is necessary also to reflect on what the development of such a sectarian cult has meant and continues to mean for the Dalai Lama and for all the Tibetans in exile (and also for the Tibetans in occupied Tibet, for whom the repercussions of this matter are many and of more than secondary import)." There were power struggles from the 14th century onwards "competing for political influence and economical support"Kay pages 39, 40 citing G. Dreyfus and a tendency of a strong sectarian interpretation of the Buddha's doctrine. This sectarian attitude was encountered in the open approach of the Dalai Lamas, especially the 5th, 13th and 14th, and through the development of the Rimé movement at the end of the 19th century, which Gelug lamas also followed.
The founder of the Gelug school, Je Tsongkhapa (1357-1419), had an open, ecumenical and eclectic approach. He used to go to all the great lamas of his time from all the different Buddhist schools and received Buddhist teachings from them. But his first successor, Khedrubje (mKhas grub rje) (1385-1483) became "quite active in enforcing a stricter orthodoxy, chasting... disciples for not upholding Tsongkhapa's pure tradition".
According to David N. Kay
In the past the different approaches of Pabongka Rinpoche (1878-1943) ('exclusive' religious and political approach) and the 13th Dalai Lama (1876-1933) ('inclusive' religious and political approach) were quite contrary. Especially at that time, the conservative Gelugpas feared the modernisation and the reforms of the 13th Dalai Lama and tried to undermine them. As a sign of that modernisation from within the Tibetan society, the Rime movement won strong influence, especially in Kham (Khams, Eastern Tibet),
Although Trijang Rinpoche (1900-1981), one of Pabongkha Rinpoche's famous disciples, had a more moderate view on other traditions than Pabongkha, nevertheless "he continued to regard the deity (Dorje Shugden) as a severe and violent punisher of inclusively orientated Gelug practitioners."Kay page 49 Trijang Rinpoche, as the Junior Tutor of HH the Dalai Lama introduced the Dorje Shugden practice to His Holiness in 1959. Some years later the 14th Dalai Lama recognized that this practice is in conflict with the state protector Pehar and with the main protective goddess of the Gelug tradition and the Tibetan people, Palden Lhamo (dPal ldan lha mo), and that this practice is also in conflict with his own open and ecumenical (Rimé) approach and religious and political responsibilities. After the publication of Zemey Rinpoche's sectarian text The Yellow Book on Shugden, he spoke publicly against Dorje Shugden practice and distanced himself from it.
A main feature of the exclusive approach among Shugden devotees is a total reliance on one Guru and his tradition, which was fortified by Panbogkha Rinpoche by the Life Entrusting (srog gtad) practice on Shugden. Although "Pa-bong-ka had an enormous influence on the Ge-luk tradition that cannot be ignored in explaining the present conflict. He created a new understanding of the Ge-luk tradition focused on three elements: Vajrayogini as the main meditational deity (yi dam), Shuk-den as the protector, and Pa-bong-ka as the guru."George Dreyfus, The Shuk-Den Affair: Origins of a Controversy, * The imperative of total reliance on one Guru was enhanced once more by Geshe Kelsang Gyatso in the west - although the Life Entrusting (srog gtad) ceremony is not given by him. According to Geshe Kelsang, the student must "be like a wise blind person who relies totally upon one trusted guide instead of attempting to follow a number of people at once"Kelsang Gyatso, 1991, Kay page 92 and "Experience shows that realizations come from deep, unchanging faith, and that this faith comes as a result of following one tradition purely - relying upon one Teacher, practising only his teachings, and following his Dharma Protector."Kelsang Gyatso, 1992, Key page 92 According to Kay: "Even the most exclusively orientated Gelug lamas, such as Phabongkha Rinpoche and Trijang Rinpoche, do not seem to have encouraged such complete and exclusive reliance in their students as this."Kay page 92
The Dalai Lama has asserted that:
Today none of the four main schools of Tibetan Buddhism accept Shugden as a Dharmapala, citing his origin and activities against other schools. Many high masters from the other Tibetan Buddhist schools (Kagyu, Nyingma and Sakya) agreed with the view of the 14th Dalai Lama that Shugden (Dhogyal) is a worldly spirit with demonic power. Shugden was not taught by Buddha, Atisha, or Tsongkhapa, or any Indian Tantric yogi or Indian Pandit who form the basis of Tibetan Buddhism. So Shugden was not accepted as an official part of the Gelug school by the Ganden Tripa, the Head of the Gelugpas. Because the worship of Shugden has created many conflicts within the Tibetan Buddhist community (for instance it is said that disciples of Lama Pabongkha destroyed Nyingma monasteries and statues of Padmasambhava and converted these monasteries into Gelug monasteries — and not only Nyingmapas had many difficulties with that spirit, also Kagyu practitioners made cleaning rituals after they visited Gelug monasteries), the 14th Dalai Lama used his status as the spiritual and political head of all the Tibetans to speak out about the sectarian harm of that practice. Then he asked Shugden followers not to come to his teachings, because there is no basis for a faithful teacher-disciple relationship if they don't believe his proofs. He also gave advice to all Gelug monasteries to stop the practice and to support harmony within the whole Tibetan Buddhist community. But of course in Tibetan Buddhism every one has the personal freedom not to follow his advice, and the Dalai Lama asked the Tibetan Buddhists to do the practice in private if they cannot give it up. Nowadays there are members of the Gelug school (for instance in Sera Monastery, India) who follow his advice, and there are some members who do not.
One member of the Tibetan Government in Exile (Kashag) made the suggestion that practitioners of Dolgyal should not be allowed to hold public office within the Tibetan Government in Exile, but this personal suggestion was not accepted by the Tibetan Government in Exile.
The 14th Dalai Lama was given that practice by one of his teachers without respecting what the 13th Dalai Lama and 5th Dalai Lama said about that topic, and that the 5th Dalai Lama had many visions of Padmasambhava and wrote 25 volumes about Nyingma practices. Because the practice of Dolgyal is sectarian and propagates a special Gelugpa exclusiveness which does not fit to the views, behavior, and tasks of a Dalai Lama and his function as the spiritual and political leader of all Tibetans, he told his teachers about his conflict and they agreed that he stop the practice.
The Dalai Lama doesn't deny anyone's freedom to practice Shugden worship, but he insists on his right to ask those accepting Vajrayana teachings and empowerments from him to abstain from such practices. In addition, he sees discussion of the problem of "sectarianism" within the Tibetan community as his responsibility in his capacity as the spiritual and political leader of Tibet.
Pro-Dorje Shugden Gelugpa teachers have requested the Dalai Lama to present valid reasons supporting these claims and, in the absence of any response, have continued to engage in the practice.
Shugden supporters accuse the Dalai Lama of "banning" them, with the following specifics:
There is documentary evidence to support this.
Worded as it is, Amnesty's statement clearly treads a fine line, neither asserting nor denying the validity of the allegations against the CTA (Central Tibetan Administration), nor finding either side culpable in the dispute. ... Amnesty International: Regarded “spiritual issues” and state affairs as separate, whilst seeing the command-based nation-state as the fundamental framework for understanding the category of ‘actionable human rights abuses’. Fundamental to this were linked criteria of state accountability and the exercise of state force, neither of which could clearly be identified within the CTA context. Whilst a prima facia case of infringement of religious freedoms within Tibetan refugee communities certainly existed, the absence of definable nation-state command structures precluded the formulation either of accountability or unavoidable jurisdiction essential to the formulation of a ‘human rights violation’.Human Rights in Global Perspective, Routelidge ISBN 0415304105
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