Section Thirty-three of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms is part of the Constitution of Canada. It is commonly known as the notwithstanding clause (or "la clause dérogatoire" in French), or as the override power, and it allows Parliament or provincial legislatures to override certain portions of the Charter.
Such a declaration lapses after five years or a lesser time specified in the clause, although the legislature may re-enact the clause indefinitely. The rationale behind having a five-year expiry date is that it is also the maximum amount of time that the Parliament or legislature may sit before an election must be called. Therefore, if the people wish for the law to be repealed they have the right to elect representatives that will carry out the wish of the electorate. (The provisions of the Charter that deal with elections and democratic representation are not among those that can be overridden with the notwithstanding clause.)
The Notwithstanding Clause reflects the hybrid character of Canadian political institutions. In effect it protects the British tradition of Parliamentary Supremacy under the American-style system of written constitutional rights and strong courts introduced in 1982. The argument has been made that if fundamental rights--such as freedom of speech and freedom of association--can be overridden, then it is questionable whether the Charter really provides a check on parliamentary power. However, scholars of British constitutional law, upon which much Canadian constitutional jurisprudence is based, stress that if the fundamental jus commune or law of the land was to be overridden in such a cavalier way by a Parliament exercising such arbitrary parliamentary supremacy the people would have the ability to revolt against their government much as the rebels revolted against the Crown in the thirteen colonies. This type of reasoning was used by the jurists who developed the theory of the Implied Bill of Rights before the adoption of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
The clause was included as part of what is known as "The Kitchen Accord". At the end of a conference on the constitution that was poised to end in deadlock Jean Chrétien, the federal justice minister, as well as Roy McMurtry and Roy Romanow, both provincial ministers, met in a kitchen in the National Conference Centre in Ottawa and sowed the seeds for a deal. This compromise ultimately caused two major changes to the constitution package; the first was that the Charter would include the notwithstanding clause, and the second was an agreed upon amending formula. They then worked through the night with consultations from different premiers, and agreement from almost everybody. However, they famously excluded René Lévesque, the premier of Quebec, in the negotiations, either because he was staying at a separate hotel or because he was a Quebec separatist who was refusing to cooperate. At any rate, he refused to agree to the deal, and ultimately the Quebec government declined to endorse the constitutional amendment.
During the January 9, 2006 party leaders debate for the 2006 federal election, Paul Martin pledged that a Liberal government would support a constitutional amendment that would prevent section 33 from being invoked by the federal government, and challenged Conservative leader Stephen Harper to agree. 'Martin says he would ban notwithstanding clause', CBC News, January 9, 2006 This sparked a debate as to how the notwithstanding clause can be amended. Some argued that the amending formula required the federal government to gain the approval of at least seven provinces with at least half the national population (the standard procedure). Others argued that since the proposal would only limit Parliament's powers, Parliament could make the change alone.Corbella, Licia. "Martin shocks drafter of Charter of Rights" The Calgary Sun, 11 January 2006.
The clause was also used with respect to a labour law passed by the government of Saskatchewan. In this case the law was later ruled to be consistent with the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, making the use of the clause unnecessary.
On March 16, 2000, the Alberta government passed Bill 202, which amended the provincial Marriage ActMarriage Act, R.S.A. 2000, c. M-5. Accessed URL on March 10, 2006. to include an opposite-sex only definition of marriage as well as the notwithstanding clause in order to insulate the definition from Charter challenges. However, provinces may only use the notwithstanding clause on legislation they otherwise have the authority to enact, and the Supreme Court ruled in Same-Sex Marriage that the definition of marriage is within the exclusive domain of the Canadian Parliament.
The Yukon Territory once included a notwithstanding clause in a statute which never took effect, and Alberta also abandoned an attempt to use the notwithstanding clause to limit lawsuits against the government for past forced sterilizations.
The use of this clause has come to be seen as an increasingly dangerous political option for governments as the Charter gains more respect with age. Nevertheless, threats to invoke the notwithstanding clause are common, as they are seen as a symbol of protecting local cultural values against the dominance of Ottawa and Central Canada.
Outside Canada, Israel added a notwithstanding clause to its Basic Law in 1992. This power, however, could be used only in respect to freedom of occupation.Hogg, Peter W. Constitutional Law of Canada. 2003 Student Ed. Scarborough, Ontario: Thomson Canada Limited, 2003.
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"Section Thirty-three of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms".
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