Sahrawi is a term used for a group of Hassaniya-speaking Arab-Berber Bedouin tribes traditionally located in Western Sahara, southern Saharan Morocco, Mauritania (where they are also known as Moors), Algeria and less commonly, northern Mali. The term is especially applied to and adopted by independence-minded inhabitants of the disputed Western Sahara.
In modern usage, the Western Sahara conflict has brought about a redefinition of these terms, as independence-minded Western Saharan populations have appropriated the term Sahrawi in the sense of a Sahrawi people. This has given the term "Sahrawi" a nationalist connotation, and set it apart from the Mauritanian populations self-identifying as Moors. This is mainly a political distinction, signifying the political nationality (or citizenship) of a certain Hassaniya-speaking population.
Nomadic Berbers, mainly of the Sanhaja tribal confederation, inhabited the areas now known as Western Sahara, southern Morocco, Mauritania and western Algeria, before Islam arrived in the 8th century AD. The new faith achieved quick expansion, but Arab immigrants initially only blended superficially with the population, mostly confining themselves to the cities of present-day Morocco and Spain. However, they introduced the camel to the region, revolutionizing the traditional trade routes of North Africa. Caravans transported salt, gold and slaves between North Africa and West Africa, and the control of trade routes became a major ingredient in the constant power struggles between various tribes and sedentary peoples. On more than one occasion, the Berber tribes of Western Sahara/Mauritania would unite behind religious leaders to sweep the surrounding governments from power, then founding dynasties of their own. This was the case with the Almoravid dynasty of Morocco and Andalusia, and several emirates in Mauritania.
In the 11th century, the Arab Beni Hilal and Beni Sulaym tribes emigrated westwards from Egypt (the Fatimid Caliphate) and gained control of most of present-day Morocco, but Western Sahara remained largely unpenetrated by the Arab advances. However, in the early 13th century, the Yemeni Maqil tribes migrated westwards across the entirety of Arabia and northern Africa, to finally settle around today's Morocco. They were badly received by the Zenata Berber descendants of the Merinid dynasty, and among the tribes pushed out of the territory, were the Beni Hassan.
This tribe entered the domains of the Sanhaja, and over the following centuries imposed itself upon them, intermixing with the population in the process, to produce the Arabo-Berber people now known as Sahrawis or Moors. Its Arabic dialect, the Hassaniya, remains the mother-tongue of Western Sahara and Mauritania. Berber vocabulary and cultural traits remain common, despite the fact that most if not all Sahrawi/Moorish tribes today claim Arab ancestry; several are even claiming to be descendants of the Prophet Muhammad, so-called sharifian tribes.
The modern ethnic group is thus an Arabized Berber people inhabiting the westernmost Sahara desert, in the area of modern Mauritania, Morocco, Algeria and most notably the Western Sahara, with some tribes traditionally migrating into northern Mali and Niger. As with most Saharan peoples, the tribes reflect a highly mixed heritage, combining Arab, Berber, and other influences, including black African ethnic and cultural characteristics.
In pre-colonial times, the Sahara was generally considered bled es-Siba or "the land of dissidence" by the authorities of the established Islamic states of North Africa, such as the Sultan of Morocco and the Deys of Algeria. The Islamic governments of the pre-colonial sub-Saharan empires of Mali and Songhai appear to have had a similar relationship with the tribal territories, which were at once the home of undisciplined raiding tribes and the main trade route for the Saharan caravan trade. Central governments had little control over the region, although the Hassaniya tribes would occasionally extended "beya" or allegiance to prestigious rulers, to gain their political backing or, in some cases, as a religious ceremony.
The Sahrawi-Moorish areas, then still undefined as to exact territorial boundaries, proved troublesome for the colonizers, just as they had for neighbouring dynasties in previous centuries. The political loyalty of these populations were first and foremost to their respective tribes, and supratribal allegiances and alliances could shift rapidly and unexpectedly. Their nomadic lifestyle made direct control over the territories hard to achieve, as well as general lawlessness and an absence of a central authority. Centuries of intratribal warfare and raids for loot (ghazzu) guaranteed that the populations were well armed and versed in guerrilla-style warfare, and it was not until the 1930s that Spain was able to subdue the interior of present-day Western Sahara, with French military assistance.
The Sahrawi-Moorish tribes were largely nomadic until the colonial era in the late 19th and early to mid-20th centuries, when France and Spain conquered the area and imposed outside boundaries and order on the previously fluid Sahara. The traditionally wide-ranging territories (from modern Senegal, Mali and Niger in the South, to parts of modern Morocco and Algeria to the North and East) of the Sahrawi-Moorish nomads were split, and their traditional economies based on trans-Saharan trade and raiding of the northern and southern sahels were broken.
The territories under European controls were divided according to the balance of power between Spain, France and other interlocutors, with little attention paid to existing tribal confederations and zones of influence. French and Spanish colonial governments then imposed their own systems of government and education over the newly organised territories. The political arrangements differed strongly between the territories. Populations in Algeria were subjected to direct French rule, in Mauritania to a French colonial administration, in Morocco to the indirect rule of a French protectorate or direct Spanish administration, and in Spanish Sahara they were treated first as a colony, and later as an overseas province. By the time of decolonization in the 1950s-1970s, Sahrawi tribes in all these different territories had experienced roughly a generation or more of distinct experiences; often, however, their nomadic lifestyle had guaranteed that they were subjected to less interference than what afflicted sedentary populations in the same areas.
For example, both sides in the Western Sahara conflict draw heavily on colonial history to prove their version of history. The Moroccan government points to some Sahrawi tribes calling upon the Moroccan Sultan, who until 1912 remained the last independent Islamic ruler of the area, for assistance against the Europeans (see Ma al-Aynayn). Pro-independence Sahrawis, on the other hand, point out that such statements of allegiance were often given by various tribal leaders to create short-term alliances, and that other heads of tribes indeed similarly proclaimed allegiance to Spain, to France or to each other; they argue that such arrangements always proved temporary, and that the tribal confederations were in fact independent of central authority, and indeed often fought to maintain this independence.
The International Court of Justice issued a ruling on the matter in 1975, stating that there had existed ties between the Moroccan Sultan and the Western Saharan tribes (as well as ties between them and present-day Mauritania) but that these ties were not sufficient to abrogate Western Sahara's right to self-determination.
The nomadic tribal traditions of the Saharan region were left largely unchanged until the late 19th century colonial penetration by France and Spain, although the long term decline of the trans-Saharan trade in gold, spice, slaves and other goods undoubtedly impacted the Hassaniya and other Saharan nomadic groups. Typical of Saharan Berber nomadic culture, society was divided into distinct lineage groups verging on castes, but also reflected strong roles for women in contrast with classical urban Arab culture.
Today the culture, like those of the rest of the region, is undergoing rapid transformation, but under the influence of modern media, mass communication, modern transportation networks and other changes. In addition to this, political conflicts and boundaries have had great impact on Sahrawi life and lifestyles.
The Polisario Front is the main Western Sahara Sahrawi nationalist organization, militating for the independence of the Western Sahara since 1973 - originally against Spanish rule, but after 1975 against Mauritania and Morocco; since 1979 against Morocco only. The organisation is largely based out of Algeria, where it is responsible for the Tindouf refugee camps, but also controls about a third of Western Sahara, largely empty eastern hammada desert. The organisation maintains a cease-fire with Morocco since 1991 (see Settlement Plan), but continues to work for the territory's independence as the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) through peaceful negotiations. The Polisario restricts its claims to the colonially-defined Western Sahara, holding no claim to, for example, Sahrawi-populated South Morocco, even though the movement presents itself as a spokesman for the Sahrawi people.
Some tribes, such as the large Reguibat, are primarily Berber identified; others, such as the Oulad Delim, more with Arabs; all tribes tend to claim Arab ancestry, and often descendancy from the Prophet Muhammad himself; this, however is highly unlikely. Over the centuries a great deal of intermarriage has occurred to blur ethnic lines, and groups have often re-identified to higher status identities.
In summary, Hassaniya society has traditionally been divided between:
The exact number of Hassaniya speakers identifying as Sahrawi, in the modern political sense, is also unknown, due to political disputes and unclear ethnic identities. Estimates of the number of Sahrawis range up to somewhere over 500,000. These populations are centered in Western Sahara (divided between Moroccan and Polisario control), South Morocco and the Tindouf Province of Algeria, where large number of refugees from Western Sahara are located.
As the states of the area gained independence from French colonial rule in the 1950s and 1960s, large Sahrawi populations were to be found in Western Sahara, Mauritania, Morocco and Algeria. A portion of the Sahrawi or Hassaniya Arabic speaking tribes in Morocco were refugees from the 1957 fighting in what was then Spanish Sahara, and previous rebellions in Western Sahara, all of which had been harshly suppressed - notably the early 20th century uprising under the Smara-based shaykh Ma al-Aynayn.
The UNHCR indicates that approximately 150,000 people are resident in the Algerian refugee camps, c. 2002 although the Moroccan government contends that the figure is much lower. An additional 25,000 Western Sahara refugees reside in Mauritania, according to UNHCR figures.[http://www.ecoi.net/pub/dh1164_01572mau.htm This population is comprised both of original refugees to the territory, and of former Tindouf dwellers who have since migrated to Mauritania.
This seems to have fuelled Moroccan suspicion of these Sahrawis, and possibly contributed to the Moroccan King's decision to refuse to hold the referendum on independence that he had previously promised the United Nations (see Baker Plan). Moroccan Sahrawi settlers in Western Sahara have for more than a decade been confined to impoverished "temporary" camps such as the al-Wahda (Unity) in El-Aaiun, while other Moroccan settlers move about freely. This appears to have alienated some Moroccan Sahrawis from the government , but in the absence of a referendum, it is impossible to say where the loyalties of this group lie.
Tribe was the historical basis of social and political organisation among the Hassaniya Arabic speaking and Berber tribes of the Sahara, well into the colonial and arguably post-colonial period. Traditionally, Hassaniya Sahrawi society was completely tribal, organized in a complex web of shifting alliances and tribal confederations, with no stable and centralized governing authority.
Lawmaking, conflict resolution and central decision-making within the tribe, was carried out by the Djema'a, (Arabic, gathering) a gathering of elected elders and religious scholars. Occasionally, larger tribal gatherings could be held in the form of the Ait Arbein (Hassaniya Arabic: Group of Forty), which would handle supratribal affairs such as common defence of the territory or common diplomacy. During colonial times, Spain attempted to assume some of the legitimacy of these traditional institutions by creating its own Djema'a, a state-run political association that covered for its claims to the territory.
Historically, a constantly changing kaliedescopic hierarchy existed between the Hassaniya Arabic speaking and various Berber tribes, as well as black African groups, existed. Within Arabo-Berber society, tribal groupings were divided into warrior lineages of various prestige, while non-fighting zwaya or chorfa religious lineages supposedly descended from the Prophet Muhammad played a mediating role, while various subaltern, servile or slave groups such as the Haratin existed alongside.
Bedouin groups | Ethnic groups in Africa | Ethnic groups in Algeria | Ethnic groups in Mauritania | Ethnic groups in Morocco | Ethnic groups in Western Sahara | History of the Maghreb | History of Western Sahara | Sahara | Stateless people | Western Sahara | African nomads