Rind et al. (1998) refers to a controversial study on child sexual abuse published in the American Psychological Association journal Psychological Bulletin in 1998. The study, titled "A meta-analytic examination of assumed properties of child sexual abuse (CSA) using college samples," was written by psychologists Bruce Rind, Philip Tromovitch and Robert Bauserman.
The authors stated that their goal was "...to address the question: In the population of persons with a history of CSA sexual abuse, does this experience cause intense psychological harm on a widespread basis for both genders?" Some of the authors' more controversial conclusions were:
Rind et al. also claim that the "consensual" versus "non-consensual" variable is predictively valid because it can be used empirically to predict the degree of psychological damage based on whether the child describes the encounter as consensual or not.
December 1998 - the National Association for Research and Therapy of Homosexuality (NARTH) criticized the study for its methodology and conclusions. It was then attacked by The Wanderer, a Catholic religious newspaper, the talk show host Dom Giordano, Dr. Laura Schlessinger (known on her popular radio talk show as "Dr. Laura") and numerous Republican politicians.
March 23, 1999 - in response, the APA declared in a press statement that "the sexual abuse of children is wrong and harmful to its victims" and that "the findings of a research project within an APA journal is in no way an endorsement."
June 9 1999 - the president of the APA, Raymond Fowler, announced in an open letter to Representative Tom DeLay that there was to be an independent review of the controversial study.
July 12 1999 - the United States House of Representatives passed a resolution condemning the study, declaring that child-adult sex could be nothing but "abusive and destructive." The resolution was passed unanimously in the Senate.
September 15 1999 - the American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS), whom APA under political pressure had asked for an independent review of the article, did refuse to review the article again in order to respond to its political rejection saying that:
The AAAS's Committee of Scientific Freedom and Responsibility reported that they "saw no clear evidence of improper application of methodology or other questionable practices on the part of the article's authors." However, AAAS also added that "if there were such problems, uncovering them would be the task of those reviewing it prior to publication or to readers of the published article" and attached the following disclaimer: "The fact that the Committee has chosen not to proceed with an evaluation of the article in the Psychological Bulletin should not be seen either as endorsement or criticism of it." (p. 3)
March 2002 - The fact that the politics has intervened into the field of science has raised many objections from researchers concerned about its implications for independence of scientific peer-reviewing process. Some, including two Psychological Bulletin editors, call Raymond Fowler's June 9 letter a capitulation to political pressure. The affair was also later discussed in issue of another APA journal, American Psychologist.
As part of their activism, proponents of revising or abolishing age-of-consent laws often make use of studies such as Rind et al. in contending that adult-minor sexual relationships do not always cause psychological harm for the minor.
Rind, Bauserman, and Tromovitch have responded to this criticism by emphasizing that "the representativeness of college samples is in fact irrelevant to the stated goals and conclusions of our study" since the purpose of their research was "to examine the validity of the clinical concept" of CSA. According to the commonly understood definition of the term, child sexual abuse is extremely and pervasively harmful, meaning that "in any population sampled - drug addicts, psychiatric patients, or college students - persons who have experienced CSA should show strong evidence of the assumed properties of CSA." The authors of the study note that because the college sample did not show pervasive harm, "the broad and unqualified claims about the properties of CSA are contradicted." (See: Rind, et al., *)
Rind, et al. have also responded to this criticism, affirming the appropriateness of including all five of the studies (Landis, 1956; Shultz and Jones, 1983; Sedney and Brooks, 1984; Grenwald, 1994; and Sarbo, 1985) specifically identified by Dallam as inappropriate to a study about child sexual abuse.
Dallam claims that the first three studies focused on all types of child sexual activity, not just child sexual abuse. Rind et al. reject this claim. In regards to the Landis study, Rind et al. note that it has been used by many other sex researchers (e.g., Finkelhor, Fishman, Fromuth & Burkhart, Sarbo, and others) as an example of an early study about child sexual abuse. In regards to the Shultz and Jones study, Rind et al. concede that the study "looked at all types of 'sexual acts' before age 12," but explained that the respondents in the study were all asked "if their experience was with a person over the age of 16," thus allowing Rind et al. to include only the relationships that were age-discrepant. In regards to the Sedney and Brooks study, Rind et al. admit that the study used a broad definition of child sexual abuse, but explain that the researchers themselves chose to use such a definition "because of the difficulty posed by a priori decisions about what type of sexual experiences are 'problems.'" Rind et al. also mention that many of the scientists cited in other portions of Dallam's critique have referred to the Sedney and Brooks study as an important early nonclinical study about CSA. *
The last two studies, according to Dallam, were inappropriate because they included respondents who were over the age of 17. In contradicting this claim, Rind et al. refer to the fact that, in using the Sarbo study, they included only the respondents aged 16 and under in the effect-size calclulations. In their use of the Greenwald study, Rind et al. included only respondents under the age of 16 in their effect-size (harmfulness of CSA) computation. *
In responding to this criticism, Rind et al. report that they did indeed describe the contrast between the effect size estimates as "nonsignificant, z = 1.42, p > .10, two-tailed." However, they continue, "What did report as significantly different was the contrast between male and female effect size estimates for the all-types-of-consent groups, where rus = .04 and .11, respectively. In "follow*" target="_blank" >apply[ing Becker's correction formula to these values, they become rcs = .06 and .12 for men and women, respectively. The contrast is still statistically significant (z = 2.68, p < .01. two-tailed), contrary to Dallam et al.'s (2001) claim."
Rind et al. claim that their own "handling of Pearson's r in the face of base-rate differences was methodologically proper and produced no important bias, if any at all." Furthermore, they contend that Dallam's criticisms "exhibited bias ... selectively ignoring key clarifying quotes ... and citing them elsewhere in their critique to argue different points, and *
Critics have opined that the number of controversial, CSA-related studies conducted by Rind and Bauserman is proof that they may have a bias. For example, when Rind (1995
Dallam echoes this claim, stating that "*fter a careful examination of the evidence, it is concluded that Rind et al. can best be described as an advocacy article that inappropriately uses science in an attempt to legitimize its findings." (In "Science or Propaganda? An examination of Rind, Tromovitch and Bauserman.")
Rind, et al. have responded by claiming that the convention of using only legal and clinical samples (that is, individuals who are receiving psychological treatment or who are engaged in legal proceedings) represents a bias on the part of prior researchers -- a bias which they believe they are remedying through their use of non-clinical samples (like college samples). They assert: "Our study brought rigorous and skeptical attention to an issue that has spun out of control, into what Jenkins (1998) called a 'moral panic.' Victimologists are advocates, not scientists. There is certainly a place for advocacy, as long as it is not confused with science--and as long as public policy is informed by the best scientific information available, rather than by unvalidated beliefs, however passionately held" *.
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