Within each section, changes are in approximate chronological order.
NOTE: In the following description, abbreviations are used as follows:
The time periods for many of the following stages are extremely short due to the extensive population movements occurring during the early AD period, which resulted in rapid dialect fragmentation:
This includes changes in late Proto-Germanic, up to the appearance of Proto-West-Germanic c. AD 200:
- Early i-mutation: is raised to when an or follows in the next syllable.
- This occurs before deletion of any unstressed vowels; hence PIE > PG > > Goth "(he) carries".
- The produced by this change can itself trigger later i-mutation. Hence WG > > OE "(he) carries".
- a-mutation: is lowered to when a non-high vowel follows in the next syllable.
- This is blocked when followed by a nasal followed by a consonant, or by a cluster with in it. Hence PG > OE/NE gold, but PG > OE gyldan > NE gild.
- This produces a new phoneme , due to inconsistent application and later loss of unstressed and .
- Loss of before , with nasalization and compensatory lengthening of the preceding vowel.
- The nasalization was eventually lost, but remained through the Ingvaeonic period.
- Hence PrePG > PG > > OE þencan think, but PrePG > PG > > OE > NE thought.
- Loss of final , with nasalization (eventually lost) of the preceding vowel. Hence PrePG > PG > PN > WG "day (acc. sg.)".
- Pre-nasal raising: > before nasal + consonant. PrePG > PG > > OE bindan > NE bind (Latin ).
- This post-dated lost of before .
- This was later extended in PreOE times to vowels before all nasals; hence OE niman "take" but OHG neman.
- > (c. AD 100). The Elder Futhark of the Proto-Norse language still contain different symbols for the two sounds.
- Vowels in unstressed syllables were reduced or eliminated. The specifics are quite complex and occurred as a result of many successive changes, with successive stages often happening hundreds of years after the previous stage. Some specifics of the initial stage:
- Final-syllable short vowels inherited from Proto-Germanic were generally deleted. Hence Goth "(he) carries" < PG (see above).
- This operated universally only in words of three syllables or more. In words of two syllables, final-syllable and were deleted, but and were unaffected following a short syllable (i.e. one with a short vowel followed by a single consonant.) Hence PG > Goth dags "day (nom. sing.)" (OE dæg), PIE > PG > Goth wáit "(I) know" (OE ), PIE > PG > Goth "wáit" "(he) knows" (OE ); but PIE > PG > Goth sunus "son (nom. sing.)" (OE sunu), PIE > PG > Goth faíhu "cattle (nom. sing.)" (OE feohu), PIE > PG > > OHG wini "friend (nom. sing.)" (OE wine), PIE > PG > PreOE > OE "foot (dat. sing.)".
- Final-syllable and were protected in words of two syllables by following and . Hence PG > NE father; PG > Goth stáinans "stone (acc. pl.)".
- Final-syllable and in two-syllable words were still present in Proto-Norse. PN , Goth dags "day (nom. sg.)". PN , Goth dag "day (acc. sg.)".
- Final-syllable long vowels were shortened.
- But final-syllable becomes in NWG, in Gothic. Hence PG > early OE beru "(I) carry", but Goth baíra; PG > OE giefu "gift (nom. sg.)", but Goth giba.
- Middle-syllable vowels of all types were unchanged; likewise in monosyllables, since they were stressed.
- "Extra-long"' vowels were shorted to long vowels. There is a great deal of argument about what is exactly going on here.
- The traditional view is that a circumflex accent arose (as in Ancient Greek) when two adjacent vowels were contracted into a single long vowel in a final syllable. This circumflexed vowel then remained long when other long vowels shortened.
- A newer view holds that "overlong" (tri-moraic) vowels arose from the contraction of two vowels, one of which was long. Furthermore, final-syllable long vowels remained long before certain final consonants ( and ).
- The reason why such theories are necessary is that some final-syllable long vowels are shortened, while others remain. Nominative singular shortens, for example; likewise first singular < ; while genitive plural < remains long. Both of the above theories postulate an overlong or circumflex ending in the genitive plural arising in the vocalic (PIE and , PG and ) declensions, arising from contraction of the vocalic stem ending with the genitive plural ending.
- Other examples of vowels that remain long are a-stem and ó-stem nominative plural < early PIE and ; PrePG ablative singular , (Gothic "whither", undarō "under"); -stem dative singular PG > Goth gibái "gift" (but -stem dative singular PG > Goth staina "stone").
This includes changes up through the split of Ingvaeonic and High German (c. AD 400):
- Unstressed diphthongs were monophthongized. > , > .
- Results were different in Gothic. Diphthongs remained except for absolutely final diphthongs stemming from PIE short diphthongs, which became short .
- Hence PIE > PG > Goth sunáus, but > PWG > OE suna "son (gen. sing.)"; PIE > PG > > Goth nimái, but > PWG > OE nime "(he) takes (subj.)"; PIE (loc.?) > PG > Goth staina, but > PWG > OE "stone (dat. sing.)"; PIE (loc.?) > PG > Goth gibái, but > PWG > OE giefe "gift" (dat. sing.).
- becomes .
- Elimination of word-final .
- Note that this change must have occurred before rhotacization, as original word-final did not become .
- But it must have occurred after the North-West-Germanic split , since word-final was not eliminated in Old Norse, instead merging with .
- Rhotacization: > .
- This change also affected Proto-Norse; but in Proto-Norse, the date and nature are contested. and were still distinct in the Danish and Swedish dialect of Old Norse, as is testified by distinct runes. ( is normally assumed to be a rhotic fricative in this language, but there is no actual evidence of this.)
- West Germanic Gemination of consonants except , when preceded by a short vowel and followed by .
- OE nominative plural (ME ), OS nominative plural may be from original accusative plural (rather than original nominative plural ; cf. ON nominative plural ), following Ingvaeonic nasalization/loss of nasals before fricatives.
This includes changes from c. AD 400 up through the split of the Anglo-Frisian languages from Ingvaeonic, followed by the split of pre-Old English from pre-Old Frisian (c. AD 475). The time periods for these stages are extremely short due to the migration of the Anglo-Saxons westward through Frisian territory and then across the English Channel into Britain, around AD 450.
- Ingvaeonic nasal spirant law: Loss of nasals before fricatives, with compensatory lengthening. Hence PG > NG mund but OE , NE mouth.
- An intermediate stage was a long nasal vowel, where nasal > . PIE > PG > OE "tooth". (NHG Zahn < OHG zant.)
- Development of new - distinction through Anglo-Frisian brightening and other changes:
- Fronting of to (generally, unless followed).
- Fronting of to (unless followed by a geminate, by a back vowel in the next syllable, or in certain other cases). Hence OE dæg "day", plural dagas "days" (dialectal NE "dawes"; compare NE "dawn" < OE dagung ). Gothic dags, plural .
- Change of to . PG > OE > NE stone.
Old English period (c. AD 475–900)
This includes changes from the split between Anglo-Saxon and Frisian (c. AD 475) up through historic early West Saxon of AD 900:
- Breaking of front vowels
- Most generally, before , , + consonant, + consonant (assumed to be velar , in these circumstances), but exact conditioning factors vary from vowel to vowel
- Initial result was a falling diphthong ending in , but this was followed by Diphthong height harmonization, producing short , , from short , , , long , , from long , , . (Written ea, eo, io, where length is not distinguished graphically.)
- Result in some dialects, for example Anglian, was back vowels rather than diphthongs. West Saxon ceald; but Anglian cald > NE cold.
- and were lowered to and between 800 and 900 AD.
- By the above changes, was fronted to and then modified to by Diphthong height harmonization.
- PG > OE "joy" (cf. NE dream, NHG Traum). PG > OE > NE death (Goth , NHG Tod). PG > OE > NE eye (Goth , NHG Auge).
- was palatalized to in almost all circumstances. PG > NE ship (cf skipper < Dutch schipper, where no such change happened). PG > OE scyrte > NE shirt, but > ON skyrt > NE skirt.
- , , were palatalized to , , in certain complex circumstances, described in detail on the Old English page.
- This change, or something similar, also occurred in Frisian.
- Back vowels were fronted when followed in the next syllable by or , by i-mutation (c. 500 AD).
- i-mutation affected all the Germanic languages except for Gothic, although with a great deal of variation. It appears to have occurred earliest, and to be most pronounced, in the Schleswig-Holstein area (the home of the Anglo-Saxons), and from there to have spread north and south.
- This produced new front-rounded vowels , , , . and were soon unrounded to and , respectively.
- All short diphthongs were mutated to , all long diphthongs to . (This interpretation is controversial. These diphthongs are written ie, which is traditionally interpreted as short , long .)
- Late in Old English (c. AD 900), these new diphthongs were simplified to and , respectively.
- The conditioning factors were soon obscured (loss of whenever it had produced gemination, lowering of unstressed ), phonemicizing the new sounds.
- More reductions in unstressed syllables:
- Palatal diphthongization: Initial palatal , , trigger spelling changes of a > ea, e > ie. It is disputed whether this represents an actual sound change or merely a spelling convention indicating the palatal nature of the preceding consonant (written g, c, sc were ambiguous in OE as to palatal , , and velar or , , , respectively).
- Similar changes of o > eo, u > eo are generally recognized to be merely a spelling convention. Hence WG > OE geong > NE "young"; if geong literally indicated an diphthong, the modern result would be *yeng.
- It is disputed whether there is Middle English evidence of the reality of this change in Old English.
- Initial became in late Old English.
Up through Chaucer's English (c. AD 900–1400)
- Vowels were lengthened before , , , , probably also , , , when not followed by a third consonant.
- This probably occurred around AD 1000.
- Later on, many of these vowels were shortened again; but evidence from the Ormulum shows that this lengthening was once quite general.
- Remnants persist in the Modern English pronunciations of words such as child (but not children, since a third consonant follows), field (plus yield, wield), climb, find (plus mind, kind, bind, etc.), fiend, found (plus hound, bound, etc.).
- Vowels were shortened when followed by two or more consonants, except when lengthened as above.
- This occurred in two stages, the first stage affecting only vowels followed by three or more consonants.
- Inherited height-harmonic diphthongs were monophthongized by the loss of the second component, with the length remaining the same.
- and became and .
- and merged into .
- and were unrounded to and .
- became or , depending on surrounding vowels.
- New diphthongs formed from vowels followed by or (including from former ).
- Length distinctions were eliminated in these diphthongs.
- Diphthongs also formed by the insertion of a glide or (after back and front vowels, respectively) preceding .
- Many diphthong combinations soon merged.
- Trisyllabic laxing: Shortening of stressed vowels when two syllables followed.
- This results in pronunciation variants in Modern English such as divine vs divinity and south vs. southern (OE súðerne).
- Middle English open syllable lengthening: Vowels were usually lengthened in open syllables (13th century), except when Trisyllabic laxing would apply.
- Remaining unstressed vowels merged into .
- Initial clusters , , were reduced by loss of .
- Voiced fricatives became independent phonemes through borrowing and other sound changes.
- before back vowel becomes ; becomes .
- Modern English sword, answer, lamb.
- in swore is due to analogy with swear.
Up to Shakespeare's English (c. AD 1400–1600)
- Loss of most remaining diphthongs.
- (and former , merged into in Early Middle English) became before the Great Vowel Shift.
- (and former , merged into in Early Middle English) became and became after the shift causing the long mid mergers.
- became after the shift.
- The dew-new merger: and /iu/ merger, and they then become after the shift.
- The joy-point merger: and /oi/ merge, so that point and joy now have the same vowel.
- The rein-rain merger: /ai/ and /ei/ merge, so that rain and rein are now homonyms.
- The dew-duke merger: /y/ and /iu/ merge, so that dew and duke now have the same vowel.
- remained.
- A few regional accents, including some in Northern England, East Anglia, South Wales, and even Newfoundland, monophthongization has not been complete, so that pairs like pane/pain and toe/tow are distinct. (Wells 1982, pp. 192–94, 337, 357, 384–85, 498)
- (written gh) lost in most dialects causing the taut-taught merger.
- Great Vowel Shift; all long vowels raised or diphthongized.
- , , become , , , respectively.
- , become , , respectively.
- , become and , later and .
- New developed from old (see above).
- Note that , , , effectively rotated in-place.
- , are shifted again to , in Early Modern English, causing merger of former with ; but the two are still distinguished in spelling as ea, ee.
- Loss of in final syllables.
- Initial cluster loses first element; but still reflected in spelling.
- /kn/ reduces to /n/ in most dialects, causing the not-knot merger.
- /wr/ reduces to /r/ in most dialects, causing the rap-wrap merger.
- Doubled consonants reduced to single consonants.
Up to the American/British split (c. AD 1600–1725)
- At some preceding time after Old English, all become .
- Evidence from Old English shows that, at that point, the pronunciation occurred only before a consonant.
- Scottish English has consistently.
- The foot-strut split: Except in northern England, splits into (inconsistently after labials), as in put, (otherwise), as in cut.
- Ng coalescence: Reduction of in most areas produces new phoneme .
- Palatalization of , , , produces , , , and new phoneme (for example measure, vision).
- These combinations mostly occurred in borrowings from French and Latin.
- Pronunciation of tion was from Old French , thus becoming .
- Long vowels inconsistently shortened in closed syllables. (Modern English head, breath, bread, blood, etc.)
- The meet-meat merger: Meet and meat become homonyms in most accents.
- Changes affect short vowels in many varieties before an at the end of a word or before a consonant
- as in start and as in north are lengthened.
- , and merge, hence most varieties of Modern English have the same vowel in each of fern, fir and fur.
- Also affects vowels in derived forms, so that starry no longer rhymes with marry.
- Scottish English unaffected.
- , as in cat and trap, fronted to in many areas.
- But backed, rounded, and lengthened to before syllable-final (that is, velarized) (). Modern English tall, talk, bald, salt, etc. But in -alm, in -alf.
- New phoneme develops from (calm ) and in certain other words, for example father .
- Most varieties of northern English English, Welsh English and Scottish English retain in cat, trap etc.
- Loss of in , , (see above).
- The pane-pain merger: The words pane and pain become homophones in most accents.
- The toe-tow merger: The words toe and tow become homophones in most accents.
After American/British split, up to the 20th century (c. AD 1725–1900)
- Split into rhotic and non-rhotic accents: loss of syllable-final in some varieties, especially of English English, producing new centering diphthongs (square), (near), (force), (cure), and highly unusual phoneme (nurse).
- The trap-bath split: southern English English inconsistently becomes before , , and or followed by another consonant.
- Reduction of and to , causing whine and wine to be homphones, in most varieties of English English; also, regionally, in American English.
- American and Australian English flapping of and to in some circumstances.
- Generally, between vowels (including syllabic , and ), when the following syllable is completely unstressed.
- But not before syllabic in American English, for example cotton .
- Happy tensing (the term is from Wells 1982): final lax becomes tense in words like happy.
- Line-loin merger: merger between the diphthongs and .
After 1900
Various changes, not yet complete
See also
References
History of the English language | English phonology | Splits and mergers in English phonology