The New York Times is a newspaper published in New York City by Arthur Ochs Sulzberger Jr. and distributed internationally. It is owned by The New York Times Company, which publishes 47 other newspapers, including the International Herald Tribune and the Boston Globe. The New York Times is nicknamed the "Gray Lady" and is regarded by some as the newspaper of record in the United States, though controversies have led others to question its status. The name is abbreviated the Times (not to be confused with the The Times, which is published in the United Kingdom).
The Times was originally intended to publish every morning except on Sundays; however, during the Civil War the Times started publishing Sunday issues along with other major dailies. It won its first Pulitzer Prize for news reports and articles about World War I in 1918. In 1919 it made its first trans-atlantic delivery to London.
The crossword began to appear in 1942 as a feature, and the paper bought the classical station WQXR in the same year. The fashion section started in 1946. The Times also started an international edition in 1946, but stopped publishing it in 1967 and joined with the owners of the New York Herald Tribune and The Washington Post to publish the International Herald Tribune in Paris. The Op-Ed section started appearing in 1970. More recently, in 1996, The New York Times went online, giving access to readers all over the world on the Web at www.nytimes.com. A new headquarters for the newspaper, a skyscraper designed by Renzo Piano, is currently under construction at 41st Street and 8th Avenue in Manhattan.
In 1964, the paper was the defendant in New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, which established the actual malice legal test for libel.
The Times has won 94 Pulitzer Prizes , as of 2006—the most prestigious award for journalism in the US, presented each year by Columbia University—including a record 7 in 2002. In 1971 it broke the Pentagon Papers story, publishing leaked documents revealing that the U.S. government had been painting an unrealistically rosy picture of the progress of the Vietnam War. This led to New York Times Co. v. United States (1971), which declared the government's prior restraint of the classified documents was unconstitutional. In 1972, the Times exposed the Tuskegee experiment, in which African Americans suffering from syphilis were surreptitiously denied treatment over a period of decades. More recently, in 2004 the Times won a Pulitzer award for a series written by David Barstow and Lowell Bergman on employers and workplace safety issues.
The Times has been going through a downsizing for several years, offering buyouts to workers and cutting expenses , in common with a general trend among print newsmedia. At the end of 2005 it had over 350 full time reporters and about 40 photographers, in addition to hundreds of free-lance contributors who work for the paper more occasionally. Net income dropped 69 percent for the thirteen weeks ending March 26, 2006. It is also becoming increasingly embroiled in controversies relating to its accuracy and perceived political leanings (see below).
The Times is based in New York City. It has 16 news bureaus in the New York region, 11 national news bureaus and 26 foreign news bureaus. In 2005, the paper reported a circulation of roughly 1,131,000 copies on weekdays and 1,681,000 copies on Sundays.WQEW (1560 AM). The classical format was simulcast on both frequencies until the early 1990s, when the big-band and standards format of WNEW-AM (now WBBR) moved from 1130 AM to 1560. The AM station changed its call letters from WQXR to WQEW. By the beginning of the 21st century, The Times had begun leasing WQEW to ABC Radio for its Radio Disney format, which continues on 1560 AM to this day.
Ann Arbor, Michigan; Austin, Texas; Atlanta, Georgia; Billerica, Massachusetts; Canton, Ohio; Chicago, Illinois; College Point, New York; Concord, California; Dayton, Ohio (Sunday only); Denver, Colorado; Fort Lauderdale, Florida; Gastonia, North Carolina; Edison, New Jersey; Lakeland, Florida; Phoenix, Arizona; Minneapolis, Minnesota; Springfield, Virginia; Kent, Washington,Torrance, California and Toronto, Canada.
The typefaces used for the headlines include Cheltenham. The text is set in Imperial.
In 1969, days before Apollo 11's landing on the moon, the newspaper published a tongue-in-cheek correction:
On November 15, 1992, the Times published a list of slang terms (known as "grunge speak") that were supposedly used in the Seattle grunge scene. This was later proven to be a hoax created by Megan Jasper, a sales representative for Sub Pop Records.
On several occasions the Times has erroneously published premature obituaries, including:
One of these allegations is that before and during World War II, the New York Times downplayed accusations that the Third Reich had targeted Jews for expulsion and genocide, at least in part because the publisher, who was Jewish, feared the taint of taking on any 'Jewish cause'.
Another serious charge is the accusation that the Times, through its coverage of the Soviet Union by correspondent Walter Duranty helped to cover up the Ukrainian genocide perpetrated by Joseph Stalin in the 1930s. Many consider Walter Duranty, who won the Pulitzer Prize for his reporting, to be little more than a Communist sympathizer, and criticize the Times for not disavowing his legacy.
Edward S. Herman, Noam Chomsky, and other leading intellectuals of the left have studied, and demonstrated in numerous book and studies, the bias that the New York Times has, along with many other major U.S. media. Perhaps the most famous of the books is Manufacturing Consent, co-written by Chomsky and Herman. Chomsky's Necessary Illusions also documents and analyzes the thought control of the major media, including the New York Times.
The major bias of the media has nothing to do with being a liberal or conservative bias, according to Chomsky. As he explains very well here in an interview:
The New York Times is certainly the most important newspaper in the United States, and one could argue the most important newspaper in the world. The New York Times plays an enormous role in shaping the perception of the current world on the part of the politically active, educated classes. Also The New York Times has a special role, and I believe its editors probably feel that they bear a heavy burden, in the sense that The New York Times creates history.Quoted from [http://www.chomsky.info/interviews/1992That is, history is what appears in The New York Times archives; the place where people will go to find out what happened is The New York Times. Therefore it's extremely important if history is going to be shaped in an appropriate way, that certain things appear, certain things not appear, certain questions be asked, other questions be ignored, and that issues be framed in a particular fashion. Now in whose interests is history being so shaped? Well, I think that's not very difficult to answer.
Now, to eliminate confusion, all of this has nothing to do with liberal or conservative bias. According to the propaganda model, both liberal and conservative wings of the media -- whatever those terms are supposed to mean -- fall within the same framework of assumptions.
In fact, if the system functions well, it ought to have a liberal bias, or at least appear to. Because if it appears to have a liberal bias, that will serve to bound thought even more effectively.
In other words, if the press is indeed adversarial and liberal and all these bad things, then how can I go beyond it? They're already so extreme in their opposition to power that to go beyond it would be to take off from the planet. So therefore it must be that the presuppositions that are accepted in the liberal media are sacrosanct -- can't go beyond them. And a well-functioning system would in fact have a bias of that kind. The media would then serve to say in effect: Thus far and no further.
We ask what would you expect of those media on just relatively uncontroversial, guided-free market assumptions? And when you look at them you find a number of major factors determining what their products are. These are what we call the filters, so one of them, for example, is ownership. Who owns them?
The major agenda-setting media -- after all, what are they? As institutions in the society, what are they? Well, in the first place they are major corporations, in fact huge corporations. Furthermore, they are integrated with and sometimes owned by even larger corporations, conglomerates -- so, for example, by Westinghouse and G.E. and so on.
So what we have in the first place is major corporations which are parts of even bigger conglomerates. Now, like any other corporation, they have a product which they sell to a market. The market is advertisers -- that is, other businesses. What keeps the media functioning is not the audience. They make money from their advertisers. And remember, we're talking about the elite media. So they're trying to sell a good product, a product which raises advertising rates. And ask your friends in the advertising industry. That means that they want to adjust their audience to the more elite and affluent audience. That raises advertising rates. So what you have is institutions, corporations, big corporations, that are selling relatively privileged audiences to other businesses.
Well, what point of view would you expect to come out of this? I mean without any further assumptions, what you'd predict is that what comes out is a picture of the world, a perception of the world, that satisfies the needs and the interests and the perceptions of the sellers, the buyers and the product.
Now there are many other factors that press in the same direction. If people try to enter the system who don't have that point of view they're likely to be excluded somewhere along the way. After all, no institution is going to happily design a mechanism to self-destruct. It's not the way institutions function. So they'll work to exclude or marginalize or eliminate dissenting voices or alternative perspectives and so on because they're dysfunctional, they're dysfunctional to the institution itself.
Some conservatives believe that the Times
Riccardo Puglisi from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology wrote a paper about the editorial choices of the New York Times from 1946 to 1997. He finds that the Times displays Democratic partisanship, with some watchdog aspects. For example, during presidential campaigns, the paper systematically gives more coverage to Democratic topics, but only when the incumbent president is a Republican.
The intermix of political commentary with art criticism in the Arts section of the paper is pointed to as evidence of bias. For example, A. O. Scott's film reviews sometimes contain barbs directed at social conservatives, and Frank Rich's Arts columns regularly attacks conservatives.
The 2005 roster of regular columnists ranges in political position from Maureen Dowd, Frank Rich, Paul Krugman, and Bob Herbert on the left, to Nicholas Kristof and Thomas Friedman on the center-left, to David Brooks and John Tierney on the center-right. These labels must be placed alongside the subjects that the columnists most frequently choose to write about. For example, Friedman writes a great deal about free trade and globalization -- and thus often comes across as more conservative -- while Kristof writes almost exclusively about human rights, and thus comes across as more liberal.
The editorial page of the Times has not endorsed a Republican Party candidate for president for half a century (Dwight D. Eisenhower in 1956 was their last). But the paper does not follow a rigid party line, endorsing the Republicans in statewide or local races, such as current New York Governor George Pataki and New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg.
Daniel Okrent, the Times former Public Editor stated that his was a liberal newspaper in a July 25, 2004 article. Additionally in a post-Jayson Blair report to Bill Keller, a committee of Times employees noted:
Nothing we recommend should be seen as endorsing a retreat from tough-minded reporting of abuses of power by public or private institutions. In part because the Times’s editorial page is clearly liberal, the news pages do need to make more effort not to seem monolithic.
On November 25, 2002, the Times ran a front-page story with the headline, "CBS Staying Silent in Debate on Women Joining Augusta" — part of a string of stories focusing on the Augusta National Golf Club, the host of the Masters Tournament, effectively demanding a boycott. Critics complained that this was an editorial usurping news space. Mickey Kaus wrote that the executive editor, Howell Raines, was "on the verge of a breakthrough reconceptualization of 'news' here, in which 'news' comes to mean the failure of any powerful individual or institution to do what Howell Raines wants them to do."
At the time Raines said he intended to "flood the zone" with coverage of the Augusta controversy. Some commenters believed this was a concerted effort not to report the news, but to lobby the Augusta National club to change its policies. This effort failed.
The Times has also been criticized for allowing Exxon-Mobil Corporation to run a regular paid "advertorial" commentary piece on its editorial page, although the practice is common in other U.S. newspapers. Some studies have shown that the Times selection of op-ed pieces and letters to the editor seem to "bracket" their editorial position, making the editorials appear to be moderate — although again this practice is hardly unique to the Times.
In summer 2004, the Times
Okrent did not comment at length on the issue of bias in coverage of "hard news", such as fiscal policy, foreign policy, or civil liberties. However, he noted that the paper's coverage of the Iraq war was, among other things, insufficiently critical of the George W. Bush administration (see below). (In May 2005 Okrent was succeeded by Byron Calame.) Calame has not been very visible in moderating criticism of the New York Times alleged bias.
In 2003, the Times admitted to journalistic fraud committed over a span of several years by one of its reporters, Jayson Blair, and the general professionalism of the paper was questioned, though Blair immediately resigned following the incident. Questions of affirmative action in journalism were also raised, since Blair was black. The paper's top two editors – Howell Raines, the executive editor, and Gerald Boyd, managing editor – resigned their posts following the incident.
In April, 2004 the Times reversed its policy of not using the term Armenian Genocide. Despite publishing dozens of articles about the Armenian Genocide as it progressed, the Times for a period shied away from using the term in its articles as part of its editorial policy. The Turkish Government still denies genocide occurred. Incidentally, Times columnist and former reporter Nicholas D. Kristof, a Pulitzer Prize winner, has mentioned being of Armenian descent and has criticized the ongoing denial of the Armenian Genocide by the Turkish government, in his Times column.
On May 26, 2004, the Times published another significant admission of journalistic failings, admitting that its flawed reporting during the buildup to the Iraq campaign of the War on Terror helped promote the misleading belief that Iraq possessed large stockpiles of weapons of mass destruction. While this "From the Editors" piece didn't mention names, a large part of the incriminated articles had been written by Times reporter Judith Miller, who already stated in Feb 26, 1998 to claim that "all of Iraq is one large storage facility" for weapons of mass destruction. One of Miller's prime sources was Ahmed Chalabi, who is currently the interim oil minister of US-occupied Iraq.
A second self-criticism by Okrent went further. "The failure was not individual, but institutional," he wrote. "War requires an extra standard of care, not a lesser one. But in the Times's WMD coverage, readers encountered some rather breathless stories built on unsubstantiated 'revelations' that, in many instances, were the anonymity-cloaked assertions of people with vested interests. Times reporters broke many stories before and after the war - but when the stories themselves later broke apart, in many instances Times readers never found out. ... Other stories pushed Pentagon assertions so aggressively you could almost sense epaulets sprouting on the shoulders of editors. ... The aggressive journalism that I long for, and that the paper owes both its readers and its own self-respect, would reveal not just the tactics of those who promoted the WMD stories, but how the Times itself was used to further their cunning campaign."
In August 2005, the Times was accused of attempting to unseal the adoption records of United States Supreme Court nominee Justice John Roberts's children, an unprecedented investigation by a newspaper. Journalist Brit Hume, of Fox News reported that the Times has been asking lawyers that specialize in adoption cases for advice on how to get into the sealed court records. The report went on, "Sources familiar with the matter tell Fox News that at least one lawyer turned the Times down flat, saying that any effort to pry into adoption case records, which are always sealed, would be reprehensible." The Times replied: "Our reporters made initial inquiries about the adoptions, as they did about many other aspects of his background. They did so with great care, understanding the sensitivity of the issue. We did not order up an investigation of the adoptions. We have not pursued the issue after the initial inquiries, which detected nothing irregular about the adoptions. More specifically, our reporter called a number of lawyers who handle adoptions to learn about adoption issues in general and to inquire whether adoption papers are publicly available. He was told that the rule varies from case to case and jurisdiction to jurisdiction. At some point, he was informed that the Roberts adoption papers were sealed. He did not try to get them unsealed, nor did he try to obtain copies in any other way. He did not hire anyone to help him. Our editors have made it clear that they will not stand for any gratuitous reporting about the Roberts children. Many of our staff are adoptive parents-including our executive editor-and we are particularly sensitive to the subject." The Times was condemned by the National Council for Adoption, “NCFA denounces, in the strongest possible terms, the shocking decision of The New York Times to investigate the adoption records of Justice John Roberts’ two young children. The adoption community is outraged that, for obviously political reasons, the Times has targeted the very private circumstances, motivations, and processes by which the Roberts became parents."
Following Hurricane Katrina in 2005, the Times has referred to those displaced by the hurricane as "refugees", while most news media refer to them as "evacuees". The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees defines "refugees" as those who have crossed a national border to escape unbearable conditions at home, while those who have been driven from home within their own nation are referred to as "internally displaced persons" (or "IDP's"). The American Heritage Dictionary, however, defines refugee as "one who flees in search of refuge." The Katrina coverage continues to be highlighted by the New York Times.
In October 2005, Times reporter Judith Miller was released from prison after an 85-day stay, when she agreed to testify to Patrick Fitzgerald's grand jury. She said she finally relented only after receiving a personal waiver, both on the phone and in writing, of her earlier confidential source agreement with Lewis "Scooter" Libby, although Libby's lawyer claimed the offer of a waiver had been standing for a year. After her second appearance before the grand jury, Miller was released from her contempt of court finding, after which the New York Times became free to write their own account of the affair. This account was published on October 16, along with a personal account by Miller. However, these accounts were widely criticized as revealing even more flaws and failings of both Miller and the Times than they answered, including uncooperativeness and dissembling by Miller to the Times and a lack of reasonable oversight of Miller’s work by the Times, as summarized for example in the Washington Post. This included several predictions and calls for Miller to be fired, including some by self-styled media watchdogs Alex Jones, director of the Shorenstein Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy at Harvard University (and a former New York Times reporter); Jay Rosen, journalism professor at New York University; and Editor and Publisher columnist Greg Mitchell. Mitchell said Miller was guilty of “crimes against journalism” and “did far more damage to her newspaper than did Jayson Blair, and that’s not even counting her WMD reporting, which hurt and embarrassed the paper in other ways.” Miller resigned from the paper on 9 November 2005.
On December 16, 2005, a New York Times article revealed that the Bush administration had ordered the NSA to intercept certain telephone conversations between suspected al-Qaeda-connected persons in the U.S. and those in other countries without first obtaining court warrants for each instance of surveillance. The article noted that reporters and editors at the Times had known about this intelligence-gathering program for approximately a year, but after meeting with White House officials, who requested that the article not be published, the newspaper chose to delay publication to conduct additional reporting. The Justice Department has launched an investigation to determine the sources of the classified information regarding the program that the Times published. The men who reported the stories, James Risen and Eric Lichtblau, won the Pulitzer Prize for national reporting in 2006.
The March 20, 2006 issue of the New York Times came with an 8-page sponsored section on Sudan paid for with $929,000 US by the Sudanese government urging for investment in Sudan. The sponsored section has since caused demands from Sudan human rights activists for an apology by the New York Times.
In an article in June 2006, the Times revealed a Bush administration program, intended to detect terrorist financiers, that involved searches of international money transfer records stored in the SWIFT database in Belgium. In the wake of this incident, Republican Congressman Peter T. King has called for an investigation into whether or not the NYT violated the Espionage Act. On June 28, 2006, the House of Representatives approved a measure condemning the New York Times and other papers for publishing this information.
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