Nafaanra (sometimes written Nafaara, pronounced *) is a Senufo language spoken in northwest Ghana, along the border with Côte d'Ivoire, east of Bondouko. It is spoken by approximately 61,000 people (GILLBT 2003). Its speakers call themselves Nafana; others call them Banda or Mfantera. Like other Senufo languages, Nafaanra is a tonal language. It is somewhat of an outlier in the Senufo language group, with the geographically closest relatives, the Southern Senufo Tagwana-Djimini languages, approximately 200 kilometres to the west, on the other side of Comoé National Park.
Nafaanra is bordered by Kulango languages to the west, while Deg (a Gur language) and Gonja (Kwa) are found to the north and east. The closest eastern neighbour, however, is the Mande language Ligbi (whose speakers are also called Banda), interestingly enough also an outlier to its own family. Southeast and south of Nafaanra and Ligbi, the Akan language Abron (or Bron, Brong) is spoken.
The Nafana people live in the north-west corner of the Brong-Ahafo region of Ghana, concentrated mainly in Sampa (capital of the Jaman North district) and Banda. According to Jordan (1980:A.5), there are two dialectal variants of Nafaanra: Pantera of Banda, and Fantera of Sampa. Bendor-Samuel (1971) gives a 79% cognate relationship on the Swadesh list between the two of them. The Banda dialect is considered central. The terms 'Fantera' and 'Pantera' come from other peoples and are considered pejorative by the Nafana.
The Nafana people relate that they come from Côte d'Ivoire, from a village called Kakala. According to Jordan (1978), their oral history says that some of their people are still there, and if they go back they won't be allowed to leave again. They arrived in the Banda area after the Ligbi people, who according to Stahl (2004) came from Begho(Bigu, Bighu) to the area in the early 17th century.
Many Nafana are bilingual to some extent in Twi, the regional lingua franca. According to SIL, 50% of the people are able to ‘satisfy routine social demands and limited requirements in other domains’, while 20% are able to speak Twi ‘with sufficient structural accuracy and vocabulary to participate effectively in most formal and informal conversations on practical, social, and occupational topics’. The remaining 30% are either able to maintain only very simple face-to-face conversations on familiar topics (15%) or unable to speak Twi at all (15%). 15–25% of the Nafana people are literate in Twi, whereas only 1–5% are literate in Nafaanra. [http://www.ethnologue.com/ethno_docs/introduction.asp#language_entries
According to Roger Blench, Nafaanra is the second language of the approximately 70 Dompo people living in the close vicinity of Banda. Dompo, thought to be extinct until a field work trip of Blench in 1998 proved the contrary, is their first language.
It is less clear which particular Senufo branch Nafaanra is related to most closely. Bendor-Samuel (1971) gives a 60% cognate relationship on the Swadesh list with 'Tenere' (a western Senari dialect), 59% with 'Central Senari' (the Senari dialect spoken around Korhogo), and 43% with the non-Senufo languages Mo (or Deg), Kabre (or Kabiye), and Dogon. The relativily low scores of about 60% point to a rather distant relationship. Likewise, Mensah and Tchagbale (1983) establish an intercomprensibility factor of 38% with 'Tyebaara' (Senari), concluding that Nafaanra is only distantly related to this dialect (p. 19). Nafaanra has been tentatively linked to Palaka (Kpalaga) by Mannessy (1981), whereas Mills (1984) suggests a relation with the southern Tagwana-Djimini branch. Conclusive comparative linguistic research is yet to take place.
| Jordan 1980 | Front | Central | Back |
|---|---|---|---|
| Close | • | • | |
| Close-mid | |||
| Open-mid | • | • | |
| Open | • |
| Jordan 1980:NAF 5 | bilabial | labio- dental | alveolar | palatal | velar | labio- velar | glottal |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| stop | (ch) (j) | ||||||
| fricative | (sh) | ||||||
| nasal | (ny) | ||||||
| trill | |||||||
| approximant | (y) |
Senufo languages have a typical Niger-Congo noun class (or gender) system. Suffixes on nouns mark membership of one of the five noun genders. Pronouns, adjectives and copulas reflect the noun gender of the nominal they refer to. Although none of the sources on Nafaanra provides any details, it can be inferred from a brief word list in Jordan (1980) that the Nafaanra noun class system resembles that of other Senufo languages.
The basic word order in Nafaanra is Subject Object Verb, as can be seen in the following sentence:
| Jordan 1980 | Singular | Plural |
|---|---|---|
| 1st person | ni | o |
| 2nd person | mu | e |
| 3rd person | u | pe |
Past tense is marked by the preverbal particle ná (high tone, as opposed to the low tone continuative particle). Future tense is marked by the particle wè. Simple sentences without a preverbal tense particle are interpreted as recent past (sometimes called immediate). If aspect marking is absent, simple sentences are generally interpreted as completive. (Example sentences adapted from Jordan 1978:85-87.)
Continuative aspect (sometimes called progressive) denotes an action that is ongoing or repetitive. Continuative aspect is usually marked both by a preverbal particle nà (low tone) and by a change of the verb form. The verb ‘go’ used in the sentences below has the continuative form síé. In sentences where both past tense particle ná and continuative particle nà are present, they combine to give the fused particle náà. In sentences in the recent past tense, the preverbal continuative particle is omitted and continuative aspect is shown only on the verb.
Two classes of verbs can be differentiated on the basis of their behaviour in aspectually marked sentences. One class of verbs has two aspectually distinct forms, as seen in the above example sentences. Another class of verbs does not distinguish aspect — one and the same form shows up in both completive and continuative aspect. In sentences in the recent past tense, this gives rise to ambiguity since the preverbal continuative particle is omitted there. Thus, the sentence kòfí blú can be interpreted in the following two ways:
Considerable fusion takes place between pronominal subjects and the preverbal particles. For example, ná ‘PAST’ fuses with pé ‘they’ to produce ' (they-PAST go-completive) ‘they went’ and wè ‘FUTURE’ fuses with pé in ' (they-FUTURE go-completive) ‘they will go’.
| No. | Nafaanra | Supyire | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | núnu | nìŋkìn | |
| 2 | shíín | shùùnnì | |
| 3 | tàànrè | Mpre: eta (Rapp 1933) | |
| 4 | |||
| 5 | kaŋkuro | ||
| 6 | baa-nì | < 5 + 1 | |
| 7 | baa-shùùnnì | < 5 + 2 | |
| 8 | baa-tàànrè | < 5 + 3 | |
| 9 | < 5 + 4 | ||
| 10 | |||
| 20 | fúlo | benjaaga | |
| 30 | < 20 + 10 | ||
| 40 | fúloe shiin | < 20 x 2 | |
| 50 | < 20 x 2 + 10, Rapp | ||
| 60 | < 20 x 3, however compare Rapp félèko-a-ná-nò | ||
| 70 | < 20 x 3 + 10, Rapp féleko-náshèn | ||
| 80 | < 20 x 4, Rapp | ||
| 90 | < 20 x 4 + 10, Rapp | ||
| 100 | lafaa | Mpre: ke-lafa (Rapp 1933) | |
| 200 | |||
| 400 | |||
| 1000 | kagbenge nunu | Rapp (< 100 x 10) or káboŋge | |
| 2000 | kagbenge shiin |
The numbers 11-19 are formed by adding 1-9 to 10 by means of the conjunction ', e.g. ' ‘eleven’, ' ‘fifteen’. In the tens and higher, the Nafaanra and Supyire systems diverge. Multiplication of fulo ‘twenty’ and addition of ' ‘ten’ (by means of the conjunction ná) is used to form the 30-90 tens. Perhaps surprisingly, there are considerable differences between Rapp (1933) and Jordan (1980) here. In Rapp’s 60, 70 and 80, féle seems to be used to mark ten, which conjoined with 6, 7 and 8 forms 60, 70 and 80.
Rapp (1933) compares the Nafaanra numerals for three (') and hundred (lafaa) with eta and ke-lafa from Mpre, a hitherto unclassified language from Ghana. It should be noted however that Mpre eta is Kwa-like (cf. Brong esã, Ga '), whereas the Nafaanra form is transparently related to the forms found in the other (non-Kwa) Senufo languages (e.g. Supyire tàànrè). Nafaanra lafaa ‘hundred’ is a typical Kwa numeral and is most probably borrowed from one of the surrounding Kwa languages (cf. Dangme làfá, Gonja kì-làfá, Ewe alafá). Rapp's implication of affinity between Mpre and Nafaanra seems therefore unwarranted at this level.
Morphophonological alternations occur here and there, most notably the reduction of ' ‘five’ to ' (preserving the tone pattern) and the change from lafaa to in the hundreds.
After a period of silence on Nafaanra, Painter (1966) appeared, consisting of basic word lists of the Pantera and Fantera dialects. The SIL linguist Dean Jordan published an article on Nafaanra discourse in 1978, and together with his wife Carol Jordan has produced a translation of the New Testament, which appeared in 1984. Kropp-Dakubu's 1980 West African language data sheets vol II contains a few pages on Nafaanra put together in the late seventies by Dean and Carol Jordan, including a phonology, a list of nouns, a list of pronouns, a list of numbers, and some example sentences; tones are not marked. A more detailed phonology of Nafaanra by Jordan, also containing a Swadesh list, appeared in 1980. Several books of Nafana folk tales have been published by the Summer Institute of Linguistics. Mensah and Tchagbale in their 1983 linguistic atlas of Côte d'Ivoire include a comparative Senufo word list of about 120 items; Nafaanra is present under the name 'Nafara of Bondoukou'. An orthography of Nafaanra, lacking tonal marking, is included in Hartell (1993). The area where Nafaanra is spoken has been the subject of recent archaeological-anthropological studies (Stahl 2004). A translation of the Old Testament is under exegetical revision as of 2005.
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