McCarthyism took place during a period of intense suspicion in the United States primarily from 1950 to 1954, when the U.S. government was actively countering alleged American Communist Party subversion, its leadership, and others suspected of being Communists or Communist sympathizers. During this period people from all walks of life became the subject of aggressive witch-hunts, often based on inconclusive or questionable evidence. It grew out of the Second Red Scare that began in the late 1940s and is named after the U.S. Senator Joseph McCarthy, a Republican of Wisconsin.
In June of 1947, members of the Senate Appropriations Committee sent a confidential report to Secretary of State George Marshall, in which they stated:
It is evident that there is a deliberate calculated program being carried out not only to protect Communist personnel in high places, but to reduce security and intelligence protection to a nullity. . . . On file in the Department is a copy of a preliminary report of the FBI on Soviet espionage activities in the United States, which involves large numbers of State Department employees. . . this report has been challenged and ignored by those charged with the responsibility of administering the department...
Joseph McCarthy's involvement with the cultural phenomenon that would bear his name began on January 7th, 1950 when the Wisconsin senator asked friends he was dining with for advice on how to make himself known. They suggested taking an anti-communist stand. He began with a speech he made on Lincoln Day, February 9, 1950, to the Republican Women's Club of Wheeling, West Virginia. He produced a piece of paper which he claimed contained a list of known communists working for the State Department. McCarthy is quoted as saying: "I have here in my hand a list of
57 people that were known to the Secretary of State as being members of the Communist Party, and who, nevertheless, are still working and shaping the policy of the State Department." This speech resulted in a flood of press attention to McCarthy and set him on the path that would characterize the rest of his career and life.
Beginning 24 June 1948 the next major crisis of the Cold War exposed the rift in the Alliance of World War II which had defeated Germany, when Soviet troops blockaded access points to Berlin, sparking the first Berlin Crisis, and lasting a year.
In late summer of 1949, on 29 August the Soviet atomic bomb project was revealed when it exploded a replica of the atomic bomb Fat Man; the Soviet Union had gained some of its nuclear technology by espionage from the United States.
Later that fall, on 1 October Maoist forces were victorious after the effective subversion of President Roosevelt’s support for the Chinese Nationalist government during World War II.
On 21 January, 1950, Alger Hiss, the General Secretary of the United Nations Charter meeting, was convicted of perjury for testimony before HUAC regarding espionage on behalf of the Soviet Union. That same month, physicist Klaus Fuchs confessed in Great Britain to espionage on behalf of the Soviet Union while working on the Manhattan Project at Los Alamos National Laboratory during the War.
On 25 June, the Korean War began when North Korea invaded South Korea, a confrontation that came with the potential for the use of nuclear weapons. Three weeks later, on 17 July, Julius Rosenberg was arrested on charges of espionage regarding the transfer of nuclear weapon technology to the Soviet Union while working at Fort Monmouth.
In May 1951, two members of the Cambridge Five — Donald MacLean, Second Secretary of the British Embassy in Washington, D.C., and Guy Burgess — defected to Moscow after it was discovered MacLean transmitted information on the atom bomb from the British Embassy to the Soviet Union during World War II.
In this atmosphere, McCarthyism flourished.
Some of those alleged to have been blacklisted were:
The criticisms of McCarthyism and McCarthy in particular were three-fold:
Many Americans responded to the cruder manifestations of the Red Scare by dismissing all claims by anti-communists concerning presumed communist infiltration in the United States. Though many of the more outré accusations of the McCarthy period—such as the claim that President Dwight D. Eisenhower was a communist—now seem laughable, the debate over the Red Scare remains a significant theme in the culture wars between left-liberal and conservative factions in American politics. The guilt, innocence, and good or bad intentions of the icons of the Red Scare (McCarthy, the Rosenbergs, Alger Hiss, Whittaker Chambers, Elia Kazan) are still discussed as proxies for the imputed virtues or vices of their successors and sympathizers. See historical revisionism.
Though the interpretation of the Red Scare might seem to be of only historical interest following the end of the Cold War, the political divisions it created in the United States continue to manifest themselves, and the politics and history of anti-communism in the United States are still contentious. One source of controversy is that illegal actions taken against the radical left during the Palmer and McCarthy periods are viewed as providing a historical template for similar actions against Muslims following the September 11th terrorist attacks, an analogy made explicit both by left-wing opponents of such actions (such as the American Civil Liberties Union) and right-wing proponents (such as Ann Coulter).
The Arthur Miller play The Crucible, written during the McCarthy era, used the Salem witch trials as a metaphor for the McCarthyism of the 1950s, suggesting that the process of McCarthyism-style persecution can occur at any time or place. For example, those accused in McCarthy or HUAC hearings had little chance of exonerating themselves once their identities were revealed to the public. Simply being accused of Communist sympathies was sufficient to damage or end many careers. Similarly, those accused in The Crucible could not even argue their innocence; doing so would be undermining the court, a heresy during those strict theocratic times.
Ann Coulter wrote extensively in her book Liberal Treachery from the Cold War to the War on Terrorism about Senator McCarthy, and offered a defense for many of his activities and those of HUAC. However, most historians studying McCarthyism rejected Coulter's analysis as using history to provide justifications for current efforts by neoconservatives to limit dissent in America. Coulter failed to address Senator McCarthy's fundamental inability to actually identify even a single Communist spy operating within the United States.
The term has since become synonymous with any perceived government activity that suppresses unfavorable political or social views, often by limiting or suspending civil rights under the pretext of maintaining national security.
Anti-communism | Censorship in the United States | History of anti-communism in the United States | Mass hysteria | Cold War
Maccarthisme | McCarthy-Ära | Mccarthismo | Maccarthisme | Maccartismo | מקארתיזם | マッカーシズム | Mccarthyisme | Maccartyzm | Macartismo | Маккартизм | McCarthyism | 麦卡锡主义
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