The Macedonians (Македонци, Makedonci) - also referred to as Macedonian Slavs "Macedonian Slavs" can be translated into Macedonian as Македонски Словени - Makedonski Sloveni. Although acceptable in the past, current use of this name in reference to both the ethnic group and the language can be considered pejorative and offensive by some ethnic Macedonians. The Greek Helsinki Monitor reports:
: "... the term Slavomacedonian was introduced and was accepted by the community itself, which at the time had a much more widespread non-Greek Macedonian ethnic consciousness. Unfortunately, according to members of the community, this term was later used by the Greek authorities in a pejorative, discriminatory way; hence the reluctance if not hostility of modern-day Macedonians of Greece (i.e. people with a Macedonian national identity) to accept it." - are a South Slavic ethnic group who live in the southern Balkans region of Europe. They speak the Macedonian language, a South Slavic language, and most of them are part of the Macedonian Orthodox Church. The Macedonians today live in the Republic of Macedonia; there are minority communities in Greek Macedonia with their own dialect and history but where the overwhelming majority consists of Greeks (who are also known as Macedonians in the region), as well as in Albania and Bulgaria.
Macedonian groups in the country have reported official harassment, with the Bulgarian Constitutional Court banning a small Macedonian political party in 2000 as separatist and Bulgarian local authorities banning political rallies. A political organization of the Macedonian minority in Bulgaria – UMO Ilinden-Pirin – claims that the minority has experienced a period of intensive assimilation and repression.
Macedonian organizations allege that the government undercounts the number of Macedonians in Albania and that they are politically underrepresented - there are no ethnic Macedonians in the Albanian parliament. Some say that there has been disagreement among the Slavophone Albanian citizens about their being members of a Macedonian nation as a significant number of these Slavophones are Torbesh and self-identify as Albanians. External estimates on the population of Macedonians in Albania include 10,000 whereas Macedonian sources have claimed that there are 120,000 - 350,000 Macedonians in Albania [http://www.florina.org/html/2003/2003_osce_albania.html.
According to the latest Greek census held in 2001, there are 962 holders of citizenship of the Republic of Macedonia in Greece , although it should be noted that Greek censuses do not take into account the ethnicity of immigrants and that immigration has significantly increased since then. According to a study conducted for the Hellenic Migration Policy Institute (ΙΜΕΠΟ), in 2003 90,651 visa applications were made by citizens of the Republic of Macedonia, out of which 90,549 were granted and 102 rejected .
Regarding an autochthonous Macedonian ethnic minority, its existence is not recognized by the Greek state. However, local authorities have acknowledged the existence of a minority language in the Periphery of Western Macedonia often referred to as Slavic or Dopia (a Greek word for 'local'), which was spoken by 41,017 people according to the latest Greek census to pose a question on mother tongue held in 1951. Depending on dialect, this language is classified by linguists as either Bulgarian or Macedonian. The vast majority of the speakers of this language espouse a Greek national identity as a result of either conscientious choice or coercion of their ancestors in the first half of the twentieth century . Their numbers are estimated at between 100,000 and 200,000 by the Greek Helsinki Monitor; the Joshua Project gives an estimate of 192,000, and Ethnologue of 180,180. According to the Greek Helsinki Monitor however, only an estimated 10,000-30,000 of these people will have a clear ethnic Macedonian national identity and the government of the Republic of Macedonia in 1993 claimed that there are between 230,000 and 270,000 Macedonians living in northern Greece [http://www.hrw.org/reports/pdfs/g/greece/greece945.pdf. It's interesting that the only political party in Greece promoting the recognition and existence of an ethnically Macedonian minority in Aegean Macedonia – the Rainbow, which was founded in September 1998 – received only 2,955 votes in Aegean Macedonia in the 2004 elections.
Other significant ethnic Macedonian communities can also be found in the other western European countries such as Austria, France, Switzerland, Netherlands, United Kingdom, etc.
In Bulgaria, and to some extent in Greece, the question of whether the Macedonians constitute a distinct ethnic group is controversial - the popular and the academic consensus in these countries regards them as a branch of the Bulgarians. The majority of international organizations consider modern ethnic Macedonians to be a distinct cultural, if not ethnic group.
Historians generally date the arrival of the Slavs in Macedonia and the Balkans to the 6th or 7th centuries AD. The Macedonians had little or no political national identity of their own until the 20th century. Any Macedonian identity during the Byzantine centuries is mostly expressed through the Greek medium. Medieval sources traditionally describe them as Bulgarians, a definition which survived well into the period of Ottoman rule as attested by the Ottoman archives and by descriptions of historians and travelers, for example Evliya Celebi and his Book of Travels.
During the Ottoman rule, there is no documentation attesting to a specific Macedonian national identity, be it Slav, Greek or otherwise, until the 20th century. From the 17th century, authors who declared themselves 'Macedonian' did so in the context of publishing Greek books and belonging to the Greek nation. 19th century ethnographers and travelers were generally united in identifying the Slavic speakers as Bulgarians, at least until the period between 1878 and 1912 when the rival propaganda of Serbia, Greece and Bulgaria succeeded in engaging the Slavophone population of Macedonia into three distinct parties, the pro-Serbian, the pro-Greek or the pro-Bulgarian (Henry Brailsford).
In the late 19th century and the beginning of 20th century, there were many clashes between Serbophile Chetniks (originating from Macedonia) and Bulgarophile Komitas from all over Slavic-speaking Macedonia, which shows the lack of a distinctive urge to form a Macedonian nation state.
The key events in the formation of a distinctive "Macedonian" identity thus emerged during the first half of the 20th century in the aftermath of the Balkan Wars of 1912-1913 and especially following the Second World War.
In 1893 the Bulgarian Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Committee (which changed its name to SMARO in 1902, IMARO in 1906 and IMRO in 1920) was established. IMRO is used below for simplicity. This organization advocated the creation of a independent Macedonian within a Balkan federation.Atlas of Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century, Page 17, by R J Crampton, ISBN 0415066891 On august 2, 1903, IMRO led the locals in the Ilinden uprising, named after the festival of the Prophet Elijah on which it began. That was one of the greatest events in the history of the people in the region of Macedonia. The high point of the Ilinden revolution was the establishment of the Krushevo Republic in the town of Krushevo. By November 1903, the Ilinden Uprising was suppressed.The Macedonian Conflict: Ethnic Nationalism in a Transnational World, Page 51, by Loring M. Danforth, ISBN 0691043566 The uprising was led by the following activists of the Secret Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Organization (BMARC before 1902): Goce Delchev, Jane Sandanski, Nikola Karev, Dame Gruev, Pitu Guli, Lazo Trpovski etc. Before 1902, BMARC allowed membership for Bulgarians only. Since 1902 SMARO did not proclaim any specific nationality, it rather invited "anyone who feels Macedonian", whether Greek, Slav or Jew to join together. However, the majority of its followers were Slavophones.
The territory of the present-day Republic of Macedonia came under the direct rule of Serbia (and later the Kingdom of Yugoslavia), and was sometimes termed "southern Serbia", and, together with a large portion of today's southern Serbia, it belonged officially to the newly formed Vardar banovina (district). An intense program of "Serbianization" was implemented during the 1920s and 1930s when Belgrade enforced a Serbian cultural assimilation process on the region. Between the world wars in Serbia, Macedonian dialects were treated as a Serbian dialects (UCLA Language Material Sources, Only the literary Serbian language was taught, it was the language of government, education, media, and public life; even so Macedonian literature was tolerated as a local dialectal folkloristic form. The Serbian National Theatre in Skopje even performed some of the Macedonian language plays (now the classical drama pieces) (UCLA Language Material Sources, [http://www.lmp.ucla.edu/).
Greece adopted strongly repressive policies towards the Slavic population in its northern regions, mainly due to its experiences with Bulgaria's expansionist policy during the Second Balkan War. Many of those inhabiting northeastern Greece fled to Bulgaria or Serbia after the Balkan wars or were exchanged with native Greeks from Bulgaria under a population exchange treaty in the 1920s.
The Slavophone Macedonians that stayed in northwestern Greece were regarded as a potentially disloyal minority and came under severe pressure, with restrictions on their movements, cultural activities and political rights; many emigrated, for the most part to Canada, Australia, USA and eastern European countries like Bulgaria . The Greek names for some traditionally Slavic or Turkish speaking areas became official and the Slavic speakers were encouraged to change their Slavic surnames to Greek sounding surnames, e.g. Nachev becoming Natsulis. A similar procedure was applied to Greek names in Bulgaria and Serbian Macedonia (eg. Nevrokopi becoming Goce Delchev In Greece, there was a government sponsored process of Hellenization [http://www.hrw.org/reports/pdfs/g/greece/greece945.pdf. Many of the border villages were closed to outsiders, ostensibly for security reasons. The Greek government and people have never recognized the existence of a distinct "Macedonian" ethnic group, as the term "Macedonian" is already reserved for the ethnic Greek population that has traditionally inhabited Greece's northern-most region (Macedonia (Greece)).
On August 10, 1920, upon signing the Treaty of Sèvres that "measures were being taken towards the opening of schools with instruction in the Slav language in the following school year of 1925/26". Thus, the primer intended for the "Slav-speaking minority" children in Greek Macedonia to learn their native language in school, entitled "ABECEDAR" *" target="_blank" >was offered as an argument in support of this statement. This primer, prepared by a special government commissioner was published by the Greek government in Athens in 1925, but was printed in a specially adapted Latin alphabet instead of the traditional Cyrillic, since Cyrillic was the official alphabet of neighboring Bulgaria and Serbia. After fears from Serbia and Bulgaria that the minorities in their countries might demand the same rights, the Abecedar schoolbooks were confiscated and destroyed before they got into the reach of the children [http://www.hrw.org/reports/pdfs/g/greece/greece945.pdf HRW pg.42.
Following the war, Tito separated Yugoslav Macedonia from Serbia, making it a republic of the new federal Yugoslavia (as the Socialist Republic of Macedonia) in 1946. He also promoted the concept of a separate Macedonian nation, as a means of severing the ties of the Slav population of Yugoslav Macedonia with Bulgaria. Although the Macedonian language is close to and mutually intelligible with Bulgarian, the differences were emphasized and the region's historical figures were promoted as being uniquely Macedonian (rather than Serbian or Bulgarian). A separate Macedonian Orthodox Church was established, splitting off from the Serbian Orthodox Church in 1967 (only partly successfully, because the church has not been recognized by any other Orthodox Church). The ideologists of a separate and independent Macedonian country, same as the pro-Bulgarian and pro-Serbian sentiment was forcibly suppressed .
Tito had a number of reasons for doing this. First, he wanted to reduce Serbia's dominance in Yugoslavia; establishing a territory formerly considered Serbian as an equal to Serbia within Yugoslavia achieved this effect. Secondly, he wanted to sever the ties of the Macedonian population with Bulgaria as recognition of that population as Bulgarian could have undermined the unity of the Yugoslav federation. Thirdly, Tito sought to justify future Yugoslav claims towards the rest of geographical Macedonia; in August 1944, he claimed that his goal was to reunify "all parts of Macedonia, divided in 1915 and 1918 by Balkan imperialists." To this end, he opened negotiations with Bulgaria for a new federal state, which would also probably have included Albania, and supported the Greek Communists in the Greek Civil War. The idea of reunification of all of Macedonia under Communist rule was abandoned in 1948 when the Greek Communists lost and Tito fell out with the Soviet Union and pro-Soviet Bulgaria.
Tito's actions had a number of important consequences for the Macedonians. The most important was, obviously, the promotion of a distinctive Macedonian identity as a part of the multiethnic society of Yugoslavia. The process of ethnogenesis gained momentum, and a distinct national Macedonian identity was formed. There have been numerous accounts from northern Macedonia from the late 1940s that the policy of Bulgarisation during the Bulgarian occupation (1941 - 1944) was as abhorrent for the ordinary Macedonian as the policy of Serbisation until then. IMRO's leader in exile, Ivan Mihailov, and the renewed Bulgarian IMRO after 1990 have, on the other hand, repeatedly argued that between 120,000 and 130,000 people went through the concentration camps of Idrizovo and Goli Otok for pro-Bulgarian sympathies or ideas for independent Macedonia in the late 1940s., which has also been confirmed by former prime minister Ljubčo Georgievski The critics of these claims question the number as it would implied roughly a third of the male Christian population at that time; and the reasons of imprisonment, they argue, were multiple as there were Macedonian nationalists, Stalinists, Middle class members, Albanian nationalists and everybody else who was either against the post war regime or denounced as one for whatever reasons. Unlike the time before WWII, when Macedonia was hotbed for unrest and terror and about 60% of the entire royal Yugoslav police force was stationed there *," target="_blank" >after the war there were no signs of disturbances comparable with pre-war times or post war times in other parts of former Yugoslavia, such as Croatia, Bosnia and Serbia. *" target="_blank" >[http://www.pavelicpapers.com/documents/ratline/index.html. Whatever the truth, it was certainly the case that most Macedonians embraced their official recognition as a separate nationality. Even so, some pro-Bulgarian or pro-Serbian sentiment persisted despite government suppression; even as late as 1991, convictions were still being handed down for pro-Bulgarian statements.
In Greece, they faced considerably tighter restrictions as its government saw them as a potentially disloyal minority. Greeks were resettled in the region in two occasions, firstly following the Bulgarian loss of the Second Balkan War when Bulgaria and Greece mutually exchanged their populations (1913), and secondly in 1923 as a result of the population exchange with the new Turkish republic that followed the Greek military defeat in Asia minor. After the Second World War many of the slavophone Macedonians who lived in Greece either chose to emigrate to Communist countries (especially Yugoslavia) to avoid prosecution for fighting on the side of the Greek communists (see: Greek Civil War), or were forced to do so . Although there was some liberalization between 1959 and 1967, the Greek military dictatorship re-imposed harsh restrictions. The situation gradually eased after Greece's return to democracy, but Greece still receives criticism for its treatment of some slavophone Macedonian political organizations. Greece, however, recognizes the Rainbow political party of the slavophone Macedonians who canvas during elections.
The Macedonians in Albania faced restrictions under the Stalinist dictatorship of Enver Hoxha, though ordinary Albanians were little better off. Their existence as a separate minority group was recognized as early as 1945 and a degree of cultural expression was permitted.
As ethnographers and linguists tended to identify the population of the Bulgarian part of Macedonia as Bulgarian in the interwar period, the issue of a Macedonian minority in the country came up as late as the 1940s. In 1946, the population of Blagoevgrad Province was declared Macedonian and teachers were brought in from Yugoslavia to teach the Macedonian language. The census of 1946 was accompanied by mass repressions, the result of which was the complete destruction of the local organizations of the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization and mass internments of people at the Belene concentration camp. The policy was reverted at the end of the 1950s and later Bulgarian governments argued that the two censuses of 1946 and 1956 which recorded up to 187,789 Macedonians (of whom over 95% were said to live in Blagoevgrad Province, also called Pirin Macedonia) were the result of pressure from Moscow. * Western governments, however, continued to list the population of Blagoevgrad Province as Macedonian until the beginning of the 1990s despite the 1965 census which put Macedonians in the country at 9,000. The two latest censuses after the fall of Communism (in 1992 and 2001) have, however, confirmed the results from previous censuses with some 3,000 people declaring themselves as "Macedonians" in Blagoevgrad Province in 2001 (<1.0% of the population of the region) out of 5,000 in the whole of Bulgaria.
During this period, ethnic Macedonians living in the region continue to complain of official harassment. This was confirmed in 2005 by the European Court of Human Rights with a judgment whereby Bulgaria was sentenced to pay damages amounting to 6800 euros for a violation of Article 11 (freedom of assembly and association) of the European Convention on Human Rights for its refusal to give court registration to "UMO Ilinden" and "UMO Ilinden-Pirin", the two Macedonian political parties in Bulgaria.
A similar judgment was passed against Greece for also violating Article 11 in regards of the members of the Greek far left Rainbow party, also the registered political party of the slavophone Macedonians living in Greece.
Ethnic groups in Albania | Ethnic groups in Bulgaria | Ethnic groups in Europe | Ethnic groups in Greece | Ethnic groups in Macedonia | Ethnic groups in Serbia | Ethnic groups in Vojvodina | Slavic nations | Slavic ethnic groups
Македонци | Slawische Mazedonier | Σλαβομακεδόνες | Makedonci | Makedonai (slavai) | Македонци | Macedończycy | Macedônios | Македонцы | Sllavo-Maqedonët | Makedonci | Македонци
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