Jordanes (also Jordanis or even Iornandes, 'bold as a boar') was a 6th century churchman who turned his hand to history later in life. The book most of interest to us now is De origine actibusque Getarum (The Origin and Deeds of the Goths), written about 551 AD. The accidents of life and time have rendered it the only source remaining to us concerning the origin of the Gothic people who occupied the shores of Poland, extended southward to the Black Sea, formed a distinct empire and a distinct language, Gothic, were defeated by the Huns and gradually dispersed throughout Europe, to disappear by assimilation.
Jordanes was asked to write this book by the church as a summary of a lost multi-volume history of the Goths by the statesman, Cassiodorus. The major factors in the selection of Jordanes for this task were his interest in history (he was working on a history of Rome), his ability to write succinctly and his own Gothic background. He had been a high-level notarius, or secretary, of a small client state on the Roman frontier in what is now Bulgaria.
Other authors wrote extant works on the later history of the Goths; e.g., Procopius. As the only remaining work on origins, Jordanes' Getica (as it is called in short) has been the object of much critical review. Jordanes wrote in late Latin, known for its non-conformance to the rules of classical Latin. He took the view that the Goths originated in Scandinavia. He only had three days to review Cassiodorus' work; thus, he must have been relying on his own knowledge. Some of his statements are very succinct.
The reader should be aware that all the topics mentioned in the previous paragraph are controversial. Extremely different views have been formulated. This article attempts to steer a middle course. Links to more radical or less accepted views have been included in the External Links section. Also, Getica in both Latin and English is readily available on the Internet.
The Gepidae won sovereignty in Dacia with Roman blessings. Encouraged, the Goths successfully petitioned Marcian, Roman emperor, for lands, and received Pannonia, which included Vienna (Vindobonum). This disposition required the displacement of former Sarmatians and Huns from Illyricum within it. The Sciri, the Sadagarii and part of the Alans were given Scythia Minor and Lower Moesia under a leader, Candac.
Candac had an unnamed sister who married into the Amali, a noble family of the Goths. The latter must have been present in large numbers, probably being represented by the Sciri. Candac's sister's husband was Andag, son of Andela. Their son, Gunthigis, had a Gothic name. He was probably the Gothic leader, Godigisclus, mentioned by Procopius. He became chief of staff of Candac's army, taking the name Baza (Hunnish?). As this little state was or became part of the Roman empire, Baza is probably the same as the Batza of pseudo-Marcellinus Comes. That Batza was posted to the Euphrates in 536 to take command of the Roman frontier there.
If this reconstruction is true, we learn that Candac was chief of the Alans in that region (which name could have included all the ethnicities) and that Jordanes' father was a Goth. What Paria's kinship by genes or law was to the Goths remains unknown. As Jordanes was notarius, or secretary to Gunthigis, his office was probably hereditary. As he was a key man to the chief, this grade of notarius is more aptly likened to secretary of state.
The key factor is perhaps that he was not a converted rustic drawn up out of his class, but a Gothic noble who had held a high office of state. His gentility is why, perhaps, he rose within the church and was assigned to summarize the work of a famous stateman. Some intimations of rusticism stem from his Latin, which is ungrammatical, but misapplication or failure to apply the rules of golden or silver Latin are characteristics of late Latin.
The conversion was probably not from paganism to Christianity. The Goths had been converted with the assistance of Ulfilas (a Goth), made bishop on that account. It is possible that the state of mixed peoples in which Jordanes had been notarius remained somewhat pagan despite the Gothic connection.
A conversion to the Nicene creed (trinitarian) and a trip to Rome to clear himself is a better explanation Jordanes' conversion. In a letter to Vigilius he mentions that he was awakened by vestris interrogationibus. The word interrogatio, which derives from Roman jurisprudence and typically involved torture in that context, referred in the church to the first step of a process that became terrible to many, which we still call inquisition. Initially, however, the object of church attention was often treated with all courtesy and respect and was invited to publicly alter his views, as did Ulfilas.
If that is what happened, Jordanes, a high Gothic official, may have been invited to Rome, where he took the hint, so to speak, as he seems to have received the blandishment of church offices and comradeship as one of the inner circle. Whether he would have been allowed to return to his old position is another matter. In Jordanes' case there is no hint of any hypocrisy. His works are enthusiastic, even bubbling, and give the impression of frank sincerity. He probably was, in fact, converted. His extant writings are from a Nicene, not an Arian, perspective.
At Constantinople the churchmen were continually badgered and their lives were threatened. The writing project apparently began as a pastime and spiritual escape. In the first sentence of Getica, Jordanes compares the composition of Romana to a fishing trip, in which he glides his boat by the
Justinian was known as the emperor who never slept. He and Theodora (who were excellent and like-minded partners) spent every bit of their time and resources on one goal: the reunification and restoration of the Roman empire. Their methods were often extreme, even ruthless. They achieved limited success, and therefore he is known as the last Roman emperor and she the empress Theodora.
Subsequently Justinian's military chief of staff, Belisarius, garrisoned the city of Rome. Pope Silverius (a Gothic partisan) was removed by false accusations. Belisarius ensured that the election for the next pope favored Vigilius. Justinian, however, who acted essentially without conscience himself (believing that reasons of state took precedence), had not counted on Vigilius' conscience. The latter on the whole worked against imperial policy in favor of reason and compassion.
Vigilius refused to sign. He was plucked from the middle of a service celebrating the Feast of St. Cecilia at Rome and escorted to a ship in the Tiber waiting to take him to Constantinople. Due to a sojourn in Sicily, he first arrived there in 547. He spent the next eight years there, but not just for his stubborn refusal. Justinian wished to keep him out of the wars with the Goths and violent politics that were now engulfing Italy. In 555 Vigilius complied with the sovereign and was permitted to leave (after the defeat of the Goths), only to die on the return voyage. The remains came home at last, to be duly buried there.
Romana was begun then to lighten the burden and while away the long hours. It survives under various descriptive titles, De summa temporum vel origine actibusque gentis Romanorum or sometimes De regnorum et temporum successione, or even Liber de origine mundi et actibus Romanorum ceterarumque gentium, or simply De gestis Romanorum. It is a hasty compilation that was begun before, but published after, the Gothic history of 551, covering the history of the world from the Creation, based on Jerome and other writers, but of some value for the century 450-550, when Jordanes is dealing with recent history.
To leave Romana unfinished and suddenly take up a difficult task on a dangerous subject argues for a higher policy than his own; namely, the pope's. Jordanes said that he started the Getica at the urging of "brother" Castalius, who insisted he leave his figurative fishing trip and set sails upon the deep. Castalius probably represented the pope. Who else could "insist" that a bishop drop his pastime and move into deeper waters?
Jordanes tells us that he did not even have access to Cassiodorus' work at that time, and presumably could not obtain it due to his detention. He did have access to a great many other sources through the libraries in Constantinople, and he did have his knowledge from pre-conversion days, which also would have pre-disposed him to remember what Cassiodorus had said.
Jordanes has little to say of the inner history and policy of the previous Italian kingdom of Theodoric: his interests lie, according to Mommsen, within a triangle defined by the three points Sirmium, Larissa and Constantinople. His lack of anti-Hunnish sentiment and respect for the abilities of Attila are a mark of his impartiality.
6th century | Byzantine historians | Goths
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