Edmund Gerald "Jerry" Brown, Jr. (born April 7, 1938), currently mayor of the city of Oakland, California, is an American lawyer and political figure. A Democrat, Brown has had a lengthy political career spanning terms on the Los Angeles Community College Board of Trustees (1969-1971), as California Secretary of State (1971-1975), as governor of California (1975-1983), as chairman of the California Democratic Party (1989-1991), and as mayor of Oakland (1998-present). He unsuccessfully sought the Democratic nominations for president in 1976, 1980, and 1992, and was the Democratic nominee for the US Senate in 1982. Brown will be the Democratic nominee for Attorney General of California in the November, 2006 general election.
However, Brown left the seminary and entered the University of California, Berkeley, where he graduated with a Bachelor of Arts in Classics in 1961. Brown went on to Yale Law School and graduated with a Juris Doctor law degree in 1964.
After law school, Brown worked as a law clerk for Mathew Tobriner, a justice for the Supreme Court of California, and studied in Mexico and Latin America.
In 1970, Brown was elected California Secretary of State. Brown used the position, which was historically limited in power, to bring suits against corporations such as Standard Oil of California, International Telephone and Telegraph, Gulf Oil, and Mobil for violation of campaign-finance laws and argued in person before the California Supreme Court.
Brown also enforced laws requiring members of the California State Legislature to disclose sources of campaign funds and investigated allegedly falsely notarized documents that allowed Richard Nixon to get a large tax deduction. Brown also was an important figure in the drafting and passage of the California Fair Political Practices Act. These highly-publicized actions led to statewide acclaim, and led to his election as governor later.
Strongly opposed to the Vietnam War, Brown had a broad base of support from California's young liberals who dominated the political scene. Upon election, he refused many of the privileges and trappings of the office, forgoing the grand California Governor's Mansion (which was sold under Brown in 1983) and instead rented a modest apartment. Instead of riding as a passenger in chauffeured limousines as previous governors had done, Brown drove himself to work in a compact sedan from the state vehicle pool.
During his governorship, Brown seemed happy to work with innovators. He had a strong interest in environmental issues, which were being highlighted during the decade, especially as a result of the first Earth Day in spring 1970. Brown appointed J. Baldwin to work in the newly-created California Office of Appropriate Technology, Sim Van der Ryn as State Architect, and Stewart Brand as Special Advisor. He appointed John Bryson, the CEO of Southern California Electric Company and a founding member of the Natural Resources Defense Council, chairman of the California State Water Board in 1976. Brown reorganized the California Arts Council, boosting its funding by 1300 percent and appointing artists such as environmentalist and poet Gary Snyder.
Brown appointed the first black (Wiley Manuel), woman (Rose Bird), and Latino (Cruz Reynoso) to the Supreme Court of California.
Brown often proposed unorthodox ideas, including the establishment of a state space academy and the purchasing of a satellite that would be launched into orbit to provide emergency communications for the state–a proposal similar to one that would indeed be adopted by the state. In 1978, Chicago Tribune columnist Mike Royko nicknamed Brown "Governor Moonbeam" because of the latter idea. The nickname quickly became associated with his quirky politics, which were considered eccentric by some in California and the rest of the nation. He was even the subject of "California Über Alles" by the punk band the Dead Kennedys. In 1992, almost 15 years later, Royko would disavow the nickname, proclaiming Brown to be "just as serious" as any other politician.
Citing his record of having curbed his state's spending and balanced its budget while expanding services in the area of welfare, employment, and consumer and environmental protection, Brown proclaimed his belief that there would soon be a voter backlash against expansive and costly government policies. "This is an era of limits, and we had all better get used to it," he declared. He entered six primaries and won five of them, in Maryland, New Jersey, Rhode Island, Nevada, and his California. Despite this success, he was unable to stall Carter's momentum, and his rival was nominated on the first ballot at the 1976 Democratic National Convention.
As his campaign that year was much longer, his 1980 platform, which he declared to be the natural result of combining Buckminster Fuller's visions of the future and E.F. Schumacher's theory of "Buddhist economics," was much expanded from 1976. Gone was his "era of limits" slogan, replaced by a promise to, in his words, "Protect the Earth, serve the people, and explore the universe." The three main planks of his platform were a call for a constitutional convention to ratify the Balanced Budget Amendment, a unilateral opposition to nuclear power, and a promise to increase funds for the space program. He endorsed the idea of mandatory non-military national service for the nation's youth and suggested that the Defense Department cut back on support troops while beefing-up the number of combat troops. On the subject of the Energy Crisis, he decried the "Faustian bargain" that he claimed Carter had entered into with the oil industry, and he declared that he would greatly increase the federal subsidy of research into solar power. He described the health care industry as a "high priesthood" engaged in a "medical arms race" and he called for a market-oriented system of universal health care.
As his campaign began to attract more and more members of what some described as "the fringe," including the likes of Jane Fonda, Tom Hayden, and Jesse Jackson, Brown's polling numbers began to suffer. He received only 10% of the vote in the New Hampshire primary and he was soon forced to announce that his decision to remain in the race would hinge on a good showing in the Wisconsin primary. Although he had polled well there throughout the primary season, a disastrous and bizarre attempt at filming a live, special effects-filled, thirty-minute commercial (produced and directed by Francis Ford Coppola) led to the melt-down of his candidacy. He received just 12% of the vote in the primary. He withdrew from the race the next day, having spent $2 million, won no primaries, and received exactly one delegate to the convention.
Brown's 1980 Presidential Campaign is mentioned in the song "California Uber Alles" by California-based punk legends Dead Kennedys.
Upon his return from abroad in 1988, he announced that he would stand as a candidate to become chairman of the California Democratic Party. Brown won the position in 1989 against the less experienced Steve Westly. Westly criticized Brown as the candidate of moneyed interests. Westly later went on to be enormously successful with eBay and in 2006 ran in the Democratic primary for Governor, but lost to Phil Angelides.
Brown experienced an abbreviated tenure that could best be described as controversial. He greatly expanded the party's donor base and enlarged its coffers, with a focus on grassroots organizing and get out the vote drives. In early 1991, Brown abruptly resigned his post and announced that he would run for the Senate seat held by the retiring Alan Cranston. Although Brown consistently led in the polls for both the nomination and the general election, he quickly abandoned the campaign, deciding instead to run for the presidency for a third time.
In his stump speech, first used while officially announcing his candidacy on the steps of Independence Hall in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, Brown told listeners that he would only be accepting campaign contributions from individuals and that he would accept no contribution over 100 dollars. Continuing with his populist reform theme, he assailed what he dubbed "the bipartisan Incumbent Party in Washington" and called for term limits for members of Congress. Citing various recent scandals on Capitol Hill, particularly the recent check-bouncing scandal and the large congressional pay-raises from 1990, he promised to put an end to Congress being a "Stop-and-Shop for the monied special interests."
As he campaigned in various primary states, Brown would eventually expand his platform beyond a policy of strict campaign finance reform. Although he would focus on a variety of issues throughout the campaign, most especially his endorsement of living wage laws and his opposition to free trade agreements such as NAFTA, he mostly concentrated on his tax policy, which had been created specifically for him by Arthur Laffer, the famous supporter of supply-side economics who created the Laffer curve. This plan, which called for the replacement of the progressive income tax with a flat tax and a value added tax, both at a fixed 13% rate, was decried by his opponents as regressive. Nevertheless, it was endorsed by The New York Times, The New Republic, and Forbes and its raising of taxes on corporations and elimination of various loopholes, which tended to favor the very wealthy, proved to be popular with voters. This was, perhaps, not surprising, as various opinion polls taken at the time found that as many as three-quarters of all Americans believed the current tax code to be unfairly biased toward the wealthy.
Quickly realizing that his campaign's limited budget meant that he could not afford to engage in conventional advertising, Brown began to use a mixture of alternative media and unusual fundraising techniques which was derided at the time as "silly," but would later be dubbed "revolutionary." Unable to pay for actual commercials, Brown used frequent cable television and talk radio interviews as a form of free media to get his message to the voters. In order to raise funds, he purchased a toll-free telephone number, which adorned all of his campaign paraphernalia. During the campaign, Brown's constant repetition of this number (at rallies, during interviews, and in the middle of debates), combined with the ultra-moralistic language he used, led some to describe him as a "political televangelist."
Despite poor showings in the Iowa caucus (1.6%) and the New Hampshire primary (8.0%), Brown soon managed to win narrow victories in Maine, Colorado, Nevada, Alaska, and Vermont, but he continued to be considered an also-ran for much of the campaign. It was not until shortly after Super Tuesday, when the field had been narrowed to Brown, former Senator Paul Tsongas of Massachusetts, and frontrunning Governor Bill Clinton of Arkansas, that Brown began to emerge as a major contender in the eyes of the press.
On March 17, Brown forced Tsongas from the race when he received a strong third-place showing in the Illinois primary and then defeated the senator for second place in the Michigan primary by a wide margin. Exactly one week later, he cemented his position as a major threat to Clinton when he eked out a narrow win in the bitterly-fought Connecticut primary.
As the press now focused on the primaries in New York and Wisconsin, which were both to be held on the same day, Brown, who had taken the lead in polls in both states, made a serious gaffe: He announced to an audience of various leaders of New York City's Jewish community that, if nominated, he would consider the Reverend Jesse Jackson as a vice-presidential candidate. Jackson, who had made a pair of anti-Semitic comments about Jews in general and New York City's Jews in particular while running for president in 1984, was still a widely hated figure in that community and Brown's polling numbers suffered. On April 7, he lost both primaries to Clinton by a razor-thin margin.
Although Brown continued to campaign in a number of states, he won no further primaries. Despite this, he still had a sizable number of delegates, and a big win in his home state of California would deprive Clinton of sufficient support to win the nomination, which Brown apparently thought would revert to him by default. After nearly a month of intense campaigning and multiple debates between the two candidates, Clinton managed to defeat Brown in this final primary by a margin of 48% to 41%. Although he did not win the nomination, Brown was able to boast of one accomplishment: At the following month's Democratic National Convention, he received the votes of 596 delegates on the first ballot, more than any other candidate but Clinton.
In June 1998, he was elected mayor of the city of Oakland, and took office in January 1999. Within a few weeks of his inauguration, one of his first acts as Mayor of Oakland was to invite the United States Marine Corps to stage war games titled Urban Warrior in the defunct Oakland Army Base and on the closed grounds of the Oak Knoll Naval Hospital after the National Park Service rejected the Marines' request to use Crissy Field in San Francisco. Hundreds of Oakland citizens and anti-military activists rallied against the exercise. A later action was to get the approval of the electorate to convert Oakland's weak mayor political structure (the mayor as chairman of the city council and official greeter) to a strong mayor structure (the mayor as chief executive over the nonpolitical city manager and thus the various city departments and not a council member). This strong mayor structure in many ways is similar to that of the nearby city of San Francisco. Other efforts including acquiring millions of dollars in state and federal funding to open two charter schools that are now among the top-ranked in Oakland. Brown was reelected with over 60 percent of the vote in 2002.
Much to the dismay and anger of his progressive supporters, Brown's politics since becoming Mayor of Oakland have moved far more centrist. He explains this ideological shift as dealing with the realities of being a big-city mayor with real problems. After having left the Democratic Party because he felt that it no longer stood up for progressive ideals, Brown re-registered as a Democrat shortly thereafter. In 2000, Brown endorsed Al Gore for President shortly before the California primary, although Gore was being challenged from the left by Bill Bradley.
In 2003, Brown and fellow Democratic Mayor Jim Hahn of Los Angeles praised Republican Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger for his decisive actions regarding the suppression of the reinstitution of portions the vehicle license fee (labeled by opponents as the car tax) and some restoration of state funding for city governments, implying that Gray Davis (who had been Governor Brown's Chief of Staff in the 1970s) had acted poorly in this regard.
Brown beat fellow Democrat Rocky Delgadillo for the nomination for Attorney General. He will face Republican State Senator Charles Poochigian in the general election.
Barzaghi lived with Brown in the warehouse in Jack London Square, and was brought into Oakland city government upon Brown's election as mayor, where Barzaghi first acted as the mayor's armed bodyguard. Brown later awarded Barzaghi with high paying city jobs, including "Arts Director." Brown dismissed Barzaghi in July 2004.
In March 2005, Brown announced his engagement to his partner, Anne Gust, former chief counsel for Gap. They were married on June 18 in a ceremony officiated by Senator Dianne Feinstein in the Rotunda Building in downtown Oakland. They had a second, religious ceremony later in the day in the Roman Catholic church in San Francisco where Brown's parents had been married. Brown and Gust live near downtown Oakland, at the former Sears Roebuck Building, with their black labrador, Dharma.
Since May 2005, Brown has been a contributing author at The Huffington Post weblog.
Brown has been subject to a fair share of political criticism in his career, from being labeled "Governor Moonbeam" by Chicago Tribune columnist Mike Royko, (who later said he was sorry he did it), to being blamed for amassing, as Governor, a huge surplus in state coffers that led to the infamous tax rebellion, the Jarvis Gann initiative, (proposition 13) which halted increases in property taxes for both homeowners and corporations that held onto their property. Declaring himself a "Born-Again Taxcutter," Brown tried to jump in front of Proposition 13 at the last minute in the election year of 1978.
In 2006, the murder rate in Oakland in the first two months was triple the same period in 2005, leading some critics to suggest that Brown had failed to make the city safer. Violent crime decreased by a third during his tenure, however, and he attempted to enact several innovative anti-crime programs, including a night curfew for convicted felons. His campaigns to fix the schools, fill downtown with residents, create an "arts" city and curb crime have had mixed success.
I will "Protect the Earth, Serve the People and Explore the Universe." campaign slogan in 1980 presidential primary campaign.
"Clinton is not going to get the nomination," the former California governor said during a satellite interview at a Milwaukee television station. "You can put that in your tape recorders and ask me about it in a couple months." (Capital Times, 3/28/92)
"It doesn't matter what I say as long as I sound different from other politicians.'" (Oakland Tribune 9/6/05))
"The power of the individual to be free of government influence should include preventing intrusions in our bedrooms, our blood-stream, our hair and our urine." (Orlando Sentinel, January 23, 1992)
"There is a refreshing note to all of this," said Brown, reflecting on the recall election that ousted Gov. Gray Davis.
Schwarzenegger "ran against special interests, said he'll do right by the people and has shown unprecedented goodwill with bi-partisan appointments to his transition team," Brown said.
“I’ve been in office and I’ve been out of office. And if I were to choose, I’d rather be in office.”
(Los Angeles Times, January 19, 2004, "Capitol Journal")
"Reelection upon reelection of the same incumbents occurs at the expense of new ideas, new energy, and honest representation." Brown's Announcement Speech October 21, 1991
"A high-class casino would bring in a lot of money a billion and a half goes to South Lake Tahoe from the Bay Area and we could capture a significant amount of that money, and much of it could go to Oakland." (KQED The Celebrity and the City)
“A little vagueness goes a long way in this business.” (Newsweek, May 31, 1976)
1938 births | American bloggers | Governors of California | Irish-American politicians | Living people | Mayors of Oakland, California | Oaklanders | Roman Catholic politicians | Secretaries of State of California | United States presidential candidates
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