Insurance, in law and economics, is a form of risk management primarily used to hedge against the risk of potential financial loss. Insurance is defined as the equitable transfer of the risk of a potential loss, from one entity to another, in exchange for a premium and duty of care.
The rate of losses must be relatively predictable: In order to set premiums (prices) insurers must be able to estimate them accurately. This is done using the Law of Large Numbers which states that: The larger the number of homogenous exposures considered, the more closely the losses reported will equal the underlying probability of loss. If the coverage is unique, the insured will pay a correspondingly higher premium. Lloyd's of London often accepts unique coverages. (e.g., the insuring of Tina Turner's legs and Jennifer Lopez's buttocks)
The loss must be significant: The legal principle of De minimis dictates that trivial matters are not covered. Furthermore, rational insurance uses existing insurance when the transaction costs dictate that filing a claim is not rational.
The loss must not be catastrophic: If the insurer is insolvent, it will be unable to pay the insured. In the United States, there is a system of Guaranty Funds run at the state level to reimburse insured people whose insurance companies have become insolvent. This program is run by the National Association of Insurance Commissioners (NAIC). [http://www.naic.org/ To avoid catastrophic depletion of their own capital, insurers almost universally purchase reinsurance to protect them against excessively large accumulations of risk in a single area, and to protect them against large-scale catastrophes.
Additionally, “speculative risks” like those incurred through gambling or through the purchase of company stocks are uninsurable.
Further: An Insurance Contract is one of Uberrima fides. This is a Latin phrase meaning "utmost good faith" (or translated literally, "most abundant faith"). It is name of a legal doctrine which governs insurance contracts. This means that all parties to an insurance contract must deal in good faith, making a full declaration of all material facts in the insurance proposal. This contrasts with the legal doctrine of caveat emptor (let the buyer beware).
A contract of insurance is valid in law only if the insured has an insurable interest—that is, if he has a legally recognized financial relationship with the subject matter of the insurance and stands to lose out if that subject is damaged.
When insured parties experience a loss for a specified peril, the coverage entitles the policyholder to make a 'claim' against the insurer for the amount of loss as specified by the policy contract. The fee paid by the insured to the insurer for assuming the risk is called the 'premium'. Insurance premiums from many clients are used to fund accounts set aside for later payment of claims—in theory for a relatively few claimants—and for overhead costs. So long as an insurer maintains adequate funds set aside for anticipated losses, the remaining margin becomes their profit.
Profit = Earned Premium + Investment Income - Incurred Loss - Underwriting Expenses.
Insurers make money in two ways. Through underwriting, the process through which insurers select what risks to insure and decide how much premium to charge for accepting those risks and by investing the premiums they have collected from insureds.
The most difficult aspect of the insurance business is the underwriting of polices. Based on a wide assortment of data, insurers predict the likelihood that a claim will be made against their polices and price products accordingly. At the end of the policy term, the amount of premium collected minus the amount paid out in claims is the insurer's underwriting profit.
An insurer's underwriting performance is measured in their combined ratio. The loss ratio (incurred losses and loss-adjustment expenses divided by net earned premium) is added to the expense ratio (underwriting expenses divided by net premium written) to determine the company's combined ratio. The combined ratio is a reflection of the company's overall underwriting profitability. A combined ratio of less than 100 percent indicates profitability, while anything over 100 indicates a loss.
One company that is famous for achieving underwriting profit is American International Group.
Berkshire Hathaway, by contrast, is famous for making its money on "float" rather than underwriting profit. “Float” describes a process by which insurers invest insurance premiums as soon as they are collected and make interest on these monies before claims must be paid out.
Naturally, the “float” method is difficult to carry out in an economically depressed period. Bear markets do cause insurers to shift away from investments and to toughen up their underwriting standards. So a poor economy generally means high insurance premiums.
Insurers currently make the most money from their auto insurance line of business. Generally better statistics are available on auto losses and underwriting on this line of business has benefited greatly from advances in computing. Additionally, property losses in the US, due to natural catastrophes, have perpetuated this trend.
The insurer uses actuarial science to quantify the risk they are willing to assume. Data is generated to approximate future claims, ordinarily with reasonable accuracy. Actuarial science uses statistics and probability to analyze the risks associated with the range of perils covered, and these scientific principles are used by insurers, in conjunction with additional factors, to determine rate structures.
For example, many individuals purchase homeowner's insurance policies by signing a contract paying a premium to an insurance company. If a covered loss occurs, the insurer is obliged by the terms of the contract to honor the insured's claim. For some policyholders, the amount of insurance benefits received from their insurer will greatly exceed the expense of premiums paid. Others may never make a claim or receive any benefit other than the peace of mind rendered by the security of an insurance policy. When averaged, the total claims expense paid by an insurer should be less than the total premiums paid by their policyholders, with the difference allocated to overhead and profit.
Insurance companies also earn investment profits. These are generated by investing premiums received until they are needed to pay claims. This money is called the 'float'. The insurer may make profits or losses from the value change in the float as well as interest or dividends on the float. In the United States, the underwriting loss of property and casualty insurance companies was $142.3 billion in the five years ending 2003. But overall profit for the same period was $68.4 billion, at the result of float. Some insurance industry insiders, most notably Hank Greenberg, do not believe that it is forever possible to sustain a profit from float without an underwriting profit as well, but this opinion is not universally held.
However, most societies could not effectively support this type of system, and the system will not work for large risks. For very large risks, Western insurance can also run into difficulties. This is the reason why most U.S. homeowner's insurance does not cover floods. A company that sells homeowner's insurance in a given city can accurately estimate the number of claims it would have to pay due to fires, tornadoes, and other smaller-scale disasters. However, a flood may impact a large percentage of the city and the company might be unable to deal with this. A prime example of this is the flooding in New Orleans as a result of Hurricane Katrina. For the same reason, losses due to war and earthquakes are generally excluded. In the case of floods and earthquakes (which are smaller-scale than war) homeowners can purchase separate insurance from national companies with larger resources, which are able to distribute the risk across regions rather than individual buildings.
In gaming or gambling, the game is fixed at the start so that the odds are not affected by the players. However, to obtain certain types of insurance, such as fire insurance, policyholders are often required to conduct risk mitigation practices, such as installing sprinklers and using fireproof building materials to reduce the odds of loss to fire. In addition, after a proven loss, insurers specialize in providing rehabilitation to minimize the total loss.
While insurance is analogous to gambling in terms of risk and reward, the main difference is in the motivation behind the process (risk seeking vs. risk avoidance). When gambling, you are assuming risk that you would not otherwise be exposed to that has the possibility of either a loss or a gain (speculative risk). (Perhaps put differently, in a gambling transaction the relationship between the bettor and the subject is created through the bet itself; for an insurance transaction, there is an exogenous relationship, usual economic or familial, that is connected to the insurance—which is a way of restating the insurance interest requirement.) With insurance, you are managing risk that you could not otherwise avoid, and which does not present the possibility of gain (pure risk). Risk management, the practice of appraising and controlling risk, has evolved as a discrete field of study and practice. Avoiding, mitigating and transferring certain risk creates greater predictability for consumers and business, and allows people and organizations to use risk intelligently to maximize their opportunities.
Historically, gambling has been considered an uninsurable risk. Recent developments, however, have led to the invention and patenting of new types of insurance to protect against gambling losses. An example is United States Patent 6,869,362, "Method and apparatus for providing insurance policies for gambling losses"
The aim of registering was that whenever the one who presented the gift registered by the court was in trouble, the monarch and the court would help him or her. Jahez, a historian and writer, writes in one of his books on ancient Iran: "... and whenever the owner of the present is in trouble or wants to construct a building, set up a feast, have his children married, etc. the one in charge of this in the court would check the registration. If the registered amount exceeded 10,000 Derrik, he or she would receive an amount of twice as much."
A thousand years later, the inhabitants of Rhodes invented the concept of the 'general average'. Merchants whose goods were being shipped together would pay a proportionally divided premium which would be used to reimburse any merchant whose goods were jettisoned during storm or sinkage.
The Greeks and Romans introduced the origins of health and life insurance c. 600 AD when they organized guilds called "benevolent societies" which acted to care for the families and funeral expenses of members upon death. Guilds in the Middle Ages served a similar purpose. The Talmud deals with several aspects of insuring goods. Before insurance was established in the late 17th century, "friendly societies" existed in England, in which people donated amounts of money to a general sum that could be used in case of emergency.
Separate insurance contracts (i.e. insurance policies not bundled with loans or other kinds of contracts) were invented in Genoa in the 14th century, as were insurance pools backed by pledges of landed estates. These new insurance contracts allowed insurance to be separated from investment, a separation of roles that first proved useful in marine insurance. Insurance became far more sophisticated in post-Renaissance Europe, and specialized varieties developed.
Toward the end of the seventeenth century, the growing importance of London as a center for trade led to rising demand for marine insurance. In the late 1680s, Mr. Edward Lloyd opened a coffee house which became a popular haunt of ship owners, merchants, and ships’ captains, and thereby a reliable source of the latest shipping news. It became the meeting place for parties wishing to insure cargoes and ships, and those willing to underwrite such ventures. Today, Lloyd's of London remains the leading market for marine and other specialist types of insurance, but it works rather differently than the more familiar kinds of insurance.
Insurance as we know it today can be traced to the Great Fire of London, which in 1666 devoured 13,200 houses. In the aftermath of this disaster Nicholas Barbon opened an office to insure buildings. In 1680 he established England's first fire insurance company, "The Fire Office," to insure brick and frame homes.
The first insurance company in the United States provided fire insurance and was formed in Charles Town (modern-day Charleston), South Carolina, in 1732.
Benjamin Franklin helped to popularize and make standard the practice of insurance, particularly against fire in the form of perpetual insurance. In 1752, he founded the Philadelphia Contributionship for the Insurance of Houses from Loss by Fire. Franklin's company was the first to make contributions toward fire prevention. Not only did his company warn against certain fire hazards, it refused to insure certain buildings where the risk of fire was too great, such as all wooden houses.
In the United States, regulation of the insurance industry is highly Balkanized, with primary responsibility assumed by individual State insurance departments. Whereas insurance markets have become centralized nationally and internationally, state insurance commissioners operate individually, though at times in concert through a national insurance commissioner's organization. In recent years, some have called for a federal regulatory system for insurance similar to that of the banking industry.
In the State of New York, which has unique laws in keeping with its stature as a global business center, Attorney General Eliot Spitzer has been in a unique position to grapple with major national insurance brokerages. Spitzer alleged that Marsh & McLennan steered business to insurance carriers based on the amount of contingent commissions that could be extracted from carriers, rather than basing decisions on whether carriers had the best deals for clients. Several of the largest commercial insurance brokerages have since stopped accepting contingent commissions and have adopted new business models.
A single policy may cover risks in one or more of the above categories. For example, car insurance would typically cover both property risk (covering the risk of theft or damage to the car) and liability risk (covering legal claims from say, causing an accident). A homeowner's insurance policy in the U.S. typically includes property insurance covering damage to the home and the owner's belongings, liability insurance covering certain legal claims against the owner, and even a small amount of health insurance for medical expenses of guests who are injured on the owner's property.
Potential sources of risk that may give rise to claims are known as "perils". Examples of perils might be fire, theft, earthquake, hurricane and many other potential risks. An insurance policy will set out in details which perils are covered by the policy and which are not.
In most countries, life and non-life insurers are subject to different regulations, tax and accounting rules. The main reason for the distinction between the two types of company is that life business is very long term in nature — coverage for life assurance or a pension can cover risks over many decades. By contrast, non-life insurance cover usually covers a shorter period, such as one year.
Insurance companies are generally classified as either mutual or stock companies. This is more of a traditional distinction as true mutual companies are becoming rare. Mutual companies are owned by the policyholders, while stockholders, (who may or may not own policies) own stock insurance companies.
Reinsurance companies are insurance companies that sell policies to other insurance companies, allowing them to reduce their risks and protect themselves from very large losses. The reinsurance market is dominated by a few very large companies, with huge reserves.
Captive Insurance companies may be defined as limited purpose insurance companies established with the specific objective of financing risks emanating from their parent group or groups. This definition can sometimes be extended to include some of the risks of the parent company's customers. In short terms, it is an in-house self-insurance vehicle. Captives may take the form of a "pure" entity (which is a 100% subsidiary of the self-insured parent company); of a "mutual" captive (which insures the collective risks of industry members); and of an "association" captive (which self-insures individual risks of the members of a professional, commercial or industrial association). Captives represent commercial, economic and tax advantages to their sponsors due to the reductions on costs they help create, the ease for insurance risk management and the flexibility for cash flows they generate. Additionally, they may provide coverage of risks which are neither available nor offered in the traditional insurance market at reasonable prices.
The types of risk that a captive can underwrite for the parent include property damage, public and products liability, professional indemnity, employee benefits, employers liability, motor and medical aid expenses. The captive's exposure to such risks may be limited by the use of reinsurance.
Captives are becoming an increasingly important component of the risk management and risk financing strategy of their parent. This can be understood against the following background:
There are also companies known as 'insurance consultants'. Like a mortgage broker, these companies are paid a fee by the customer to shop around for the best insurance policy amongst many companies .
Similar to an insurance consultant, an 'insurance broker' also shops around for the best insurance policy amongst many companies. However, with insurance brokers, the fee is usually paid in the form of commission from the insurer that is selected rather than directly from the client.
Third Party Administrators are companies that perform underwriting and sometimes claims handling services for insurance companies. These companies often have special expertise that the insurance companies do not have.
In many countries, such as the U.S. and the UK, tax law provides that the interest on this cash value is not taxable under certain circumstances. This leads to widespread use of life insurance as a tax-efficient method of saving as well as protection in the event of early death.
In U.S., interest income of life insurance policy (or annuity) is income tax deferred in general. However, its tax deferred benefit may be offset by a low return in some cases. This depends upon the insuring company, type of policy and other variables (mortality, market return, etc.). In 2000 and 2001 permanent life insurance had the second greatest investment return besides real estate. Also, other income tax saving vehicles (i.e. IRA, 401K or Roth IRA) appear to be better alternatives for value accumulation. Combination of low-cost term life insurance and higher return tax-efficient retirement account can achieve better performance.
Advanced economies account for the bulk of global insurance. With premium income of $1,217bn in 2004, North America was the most important region, followed by the EU ($1,198bn) and Japan ($492bn). The top four countries accounted for nearly two-thirds of premiums in 2004. The United States and Japan alone accounted for a half of world insurance, much higher than their 7% share of the global population. Emerging markets accounted for over 85% of the world’s population but generated only 10% of premiums. The volume of UK insurance business totalled $295bn in 2004 or 9.1% of global premiums. *
For example, life insurance providers may require higher premiums or deny coverage to people who work hazardous occupations or engage in dangerous sports. Liability insurance providers do not provide coverage for liability arising from intentional torts committed by the insured. Even if a provider was irrational enough to try to provide such coverage, it is against the public policy of most countries to allow such insurance to exist, and thus it is usually illegal.
Many individuals purchase policies through an insurance broker. The broker can counsel the policyholder on which coverage to purchase and limitations of the policy. A broker generally holds contracts with many insurers which allows the broker to "shop" the market for the best rates and coverage possible.
People may also purchase policies through a "producer" (a seller of insurance). Unlike a broker, who represents the policyholder, a producer represents the insurance company from whom the policyholder buys. A producer can represent more than one company. In the United States, these people are known as "resident producers" in the states where they are licensed. In some states (such as Michigan), insurance brokers are not allowed to operate because the cheapest rates may not be in the best interest of the policyholder.
Evaluation of risk, when an insurer determines a premium or premium rate structure, considers quantifiable factors, including location, credit scores, gender, occupation, marital status, and education level. However, the use of these essential factors, whether inappropriately or not, are often considered to be unfair or discriminatory by some consumers and their advocates, sometimes leading to political disputes about insurers' determination of premiums and possible government intervention to limit the factors used.
A refutation to this is that the job of an insurance underwriter is to properly categorize a given risk as to the likelihood that the loss will occur. Any factor that causes a greater likelihood of loss should in theory, be charged a higher rate. This is a basic principle of insurance and must be followed for insurance companies or groups to operate properly, even for non-profit organizations. Thus, discrimination of potential insureds by legitimate factors is central to insurance. Therefore the only thing that can be considered legitimately unfair are practices that discriminate against a given group without actual factors that show that the group is a higher risk. So, eliminating real factors discriminates against other insureds by forcing them to bear part of the cost of the disallowed perceived factors.
A recent example of a new insurance product that is patented is telematic auto insurance. It was independently invented and patented by a major U.S. auto insurance company, Progressive Auto Insurance (U.S. patent 5,797,134) and a Spanish independent inventor, Salvador Minguijon Perez (European Patent EP0700009B1).
The basic idea of telematic auto insurance is that a driver's behavior is monitored directly while the person drives and this information is transmitted to an insurance company. The insurance company then assesses the risk of that driver having an accident and charges insurance premiums accordingly. A driver that drives a lot of distance at high speed, for example, will be charged a higher rate than a driver that drives small distances at low speed.
A British auto insurance company, Norwich Union, has taken a license to both the Progressive patent and Perez patent. They have made additional investments in infrastructure and developed a commercial offering called "Pay As You Drive" or PAYD.
Many independent inventors are in favor of patenting new insurance products since it gives them protection from big companies when they bring their new insurance products to market. Independent inventors account for 70% of the new U.S. patent applications in this area.
Many insurance executives are opposed to patenting insurance products because it creates a new risk for them. The Hartford insurance company, for example, had to recently pay States dollar|US$" target="_blank" >*80 million to an independent inventor, Bancorp Services, in order to settle a patent infringement and theft of trade secret lawsuit for a new type of corporate owned life insurance product invented and patented by Bancorp.
There are currently about 150 new patent applications on insurance inventions filed per year in the United States. (Source: Insurance IP Bulletin, December 15, 2005). Only about 20–30 patents per year, however, are actually issued.
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