Head of State or Chief of State is the generic term for the individual or collective office that serves as the chief public representative of monarchic or republican nation-state, federation, commonwealth or any other political state. His or her role generally includes personifying the continuity and legitimacy of the state and exercising the political powers, functions and duties granted to the Head of State in the country's constitution.
Charles de Gaulle described the role he envisaged for the French president when he wrote the modern French constitution. He said a Head of State should embody "the spirit of the nation" to the nation itself and to the world: une certaine idée de la France (a certain idea about France). Today many countries expect their Head of State to embody national values in a similar fashion.
Some constitutions or fundamental laws provide for a Head of State who is not just in theory but in practice chief executive, operating separately from, and independent from, the legislature. This system is sometimes known as a presidential system because the government is answerable solely and exclusively to a 'presiding' activist Head of State, and is selected by and on occasion dismissed by the Head of State without reference to the legislature. It is notable that some presidential systems, while not providing for collective executive answerability to the legislature, may require legislative approval for individuals prior to their assumption of cabinet office and empower the legislature to remove a president from office (for example, in the United States). In this case the debate centres on the suitability of the individual for office, not a judgment on them when appointed, and does not involve the power to reject or approve proposed cabinet members en bloc so it is not answerability in the sense understood in a parliamentary system.
Some presidential systems may also include a prime minister but as with the other ministers they are responsible to the President, not the legislature. In many such instances the office is of minimal political importance, sometimes even held by some administrative technocrat rather than a politician. A prime minister in a presidential system lacks the constitutional and political dominance of a prime minister in a parliamentary system and is often seen as simply a politically junior figure who may run the mechanics of government while allowing the President to set the broad national agenda. One could say that, whereas in parliamentary systems a prime minister may be master of his or her party and the government, prime ministers in presidential systems are usually the servants, with the Head of State the master of the government who can hire and fire anyone, including the prime minister, at will.
Presidential Systems of Governments are a notable feature of constitutions in the Americas, notably the United States. Most presidents in the system are selected by democratic means (popular direct or indirect election, etc), however, like all other systems, the presidential model also encompasses people who become Head of State by other means, notably through military dictatorship or coup d'état, as seen in South American, Middle Eastern, and other presidential regimes. Some of the characteristics of a presidential system (ie. a strong dominant political figure with an executive answerable to them, not the legislature) can also be found among absolute monarchies, parliamentary monarchies, and Communist regimes, but in most cases of dictatorship apply their stated Constitutional models in name only, and not in political theory or practise.
In the 1870s in the United States in the aftermath of the impeachment of President Andrew Johnson and his near removal from office it was speculated that the United States too would move from a presidential system to a semi-presidential or even parliamentary one, with the Speaker of the House of Representatives becoming the real centre of government as a quasi-prime minister. This did not happen and the presidency, having been damaged by two late nineteenth century assassinations (Lincoln and Garfield) and one impeachment (Johnson), reasserted its political dominance by the early twentieth century through such figures as Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson.
In the French system, in the event of cohabitation, the President is often allowed to set the policy agenda in foreign affairs and the Prime Minister runs the domestic agenda.
Other countries evolve into something akin to a semi-presidential system or indeed a full presidential system. Weimar Germany, for example, in its constitution provided for a popularly elected president with theoretically dominant emergency powers that were only intended to be exercised in emergencies and a cabinet appointed by him from the Reichstag which was expected in normal circumstances to be answerable to the Reichstag. Initially the President was merely a symbolic figure with the Reichstag dominant.
However long-term political instability (where governments were collapsing every couple of months) led to a change in the power structure of the Republic, with the President's emergency powers called increasingly into use to prop up governments challenged by critical or even hostile Reichstag votes. By 1932, power had shifted to such an extent that the German President, Paul von Hindenburg, was able to dismiss a chancellor and select his own person for the job even though the outgoing chancellor possessed the confidence of the Reichstag while the new chancellor did not. Subsequently President von Hindenburg used his power to appoint Adolf Hitler as Reich chancellor without consulting the Reichstag.
In reality, numerous variants exist to the position of a Head of State within a parliamentary system. The older the constitution, the more constitutional leeway may exist for a Head of State to exercise greater powers over government, as many older parliamentary system constitutions in fact give Heads of State powers and functions akin to presidential or semi-presidential systems, in some cases without containing reference to modern democratic principles of accountability to parliament or even to modern governmental offices. For example, the 1848 constitution of the Kingdom of Italy was sufficiently ambiguous and outdated by the 1920s to give King Victor Emmanuel III leeway to appoint Benito Mussolini to power in controversial circumstances.
Some Commonwealth parliamentary systems combine a body of written constitutional law, unwritten constitutional precedent, Orders-in-Council, letters patent, etc that may give a Head of State or their representative additional powers in unexpected circumstances (eg. the dismissal of the Australian prime minister, Gough Whitlam by Governor-General Sir John Kerr.)
Other examples of Heads of State in parliamentary systems using greater powers than normal due either to ambiguous constitutions or unprecedented national emergencies, such as the decision by King Léopold III of the Belgians to surrender on behalf of his state to the invading German army in 1940, against the will of his government. Judging that his responsibility to the nation by virtue of his coronation oath required him to act, he believed that his government's decision to fight rather than surrender was mistaken and would damage Belgium. (Leopold's decision proved highly controversial. After World War II, Belgium voted on whether to allow him back on the throne. It did so, but because of the ongoing controversy he ultimately abdicated.)
This may even lead to an institutional variability, as in North Korea where after the presidency of party leader Kim Il Sung the office was vacant for years, the late president being granted the posthumous title (akin some ancient far eastern traditions to give posthumous names and titles to royalty) of president 'in eternity' (while all real power, as party leader, itself not formally for 4 years, was inherited by his son Kim Jong Il, initially without any formal office) till it was formally replaced on 5 September 1998 for ceremonial purposes by the office of the Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme People's Assembly, while the party leader's post as Chairman of the National Defense Commission was simultaneously declared "the highest post of the state", not unlike Deng Xiaoping earlier in the PR of China.
A final category of Head of State which could be loosely called the non-executive Head of State model also exists. Its holders are excluded completely from the executive: they do not possess even theoretical executive powers or any role, even formal, within the government. Hence their states' governments are not referred to by the traditional parliamentary model Head of State styles of His/Her Majesty's Government or His/Her Excellency's Government. Within this general category, variants in terms of powers and functions may exist. The King of Sweden, since the passage of the modern Swedish constitution (the Instrument of Government) in the mid 1970s, no longer has any of the parliamentary system Head of State functions that had previously belonged to Swedish kings, but still receives formal cabinet briefings monthly in the Royal Palace. In contrast the only contact the Irish president has with the Irish government is through a formal briefing session given by the Taoiseach (prime minister) to the President. However (s)he has no access to documentation and all access to ministers goes through the Department of An Taoiseach (prime minister's office).
Examples of this category, invariably dating from the twentieth century, include:
In many states official portraits of the Head of State can be found in government offices, courts of law, even airports, libraries, and other public buildings. The idea, sometimes regulated by law, is to use these portraits to make the public aware of the symbolic connection to the government, a practice that dates back to mediaeval times. Sometimes this practice is taken to excess, and the Head of State begins to believe that he is the only symbol of the nation. A personality cult thus ensues, where the image of the Head of State is the only visual representation of the country, surpassing other symbols such as the flag, constitution, founding fathers, etc. A modern champion in this field was Adolf Hitler, the Nazi Führer; of course such a political technique can also be used by leaders without the formal rank of Head of State, even party - and other revolutionary leaders without formal state mandate. Other common iconic presences, especially of monarchs, are on coins, stamps, banknotes. More discreet variations see them represented by a mention and/or signature. Furthermore all kinds of things are called after Heads of State, e.g. streets and squares, schools, charitable and other organisations; in monarchies there can even be a practice to attribute the adjective 'royal' on demand based on existence for a given number of years.
In general, the active duties amount to a ceremonial role. Thus in diplomatic affairs, Heads of State are often the first person to greet an important foreign visitor. They may also assume a sort of informal "host" role during the VIP's visit, inviting the visitor to a state dinner at his or her mansion or palace, or some other equally hospitable affair.
At home, they are expected to render luster to various occasions by their presence, such as by attending artistic or sports performances or competitions, expositions, celebrations, military parades and remembrances, prominent funerals, visiting parts of the country, enterprises, care facilities (often in a theatrical honour box, on a platform, on the front row, at the honours table etc.), sometimes performing a symbolic act such as cutting a ribbon or pushing a button at an opening, christening something with champagne, laying the first stone, and so on. Some parts of national life receive their regular attention, often on an annual basis, or even in the form of official patronage.
As the potential for such invitations is enormous, such duties are often in part delegated: to such persons as a spouse, other members of the dynasty, or a vice-president, for whom this is often the core of their public role, or in other cases (possibly as a message, e.g. to distance themselves without giving protocollary offence) just military or other aid.
For non-executive Heads of State there is often a degree of censorship by the politically responsible government (e.g. Prime Minister), discreetly approving agenda and speeches, especially where the constitution (or customary law) assumes all political responsibility by granting the crown inviolability (in fact also imposing political emasculation) as in the kingdom of Belgium from its very beginning; in a Monarchy this may even be extended to some degree to other members of the dynasty, especially the Heir to the throne.
Most states require that all bills passed by the house or houses of the legislature be signed into law by the Head of State. In some states, such as the United Kingdom, Belgium and the Republic of Ireland, the Head of State is in fact formally considered a tier of parliament. In presidential systems the Head of State often has power to veto a bill. In most parliamentary systems, however, the Head of State cannot refuse to sign a bill, but may, in granting a bill their assent, nevertheless indicate that it was passed in accordance with the correct procedures. The signing of a bill into law is formally known as promulgation. Some Commonwealth of Nations states call this procedure Royal Assent.
In some parliamentary systems the Head of State retains certain powers, in relation to bills, to be exercised at their discretion. They may have authority to:
If he is also chief executive, he can thus politically control the necessary executive measures without which a proclaimed law can remain dead letter, sometimes for years or even forever.
Example: Article II, Section 2 of the United States Constitution states:
In a monarchy, the monarch is the Head of State. This is a relatively recent phenomenon; until the last few decades a sovereign was seen as the personal embodiment of the state, and therefore could not be head of themselves (hence many constitutions from the 19th Century and earlier make no mention of a "Head of State"). Though some still maintain that calling a monarch Head of State is incorrect, it has now become a widespread political convention to attach the label to monarchs. The Emperor (Tennō) of Japan is defined as a symbol, not head, of state by the post-war constitution but is treated as a Head of State under diplomatic protocol.
For the plethora of styles in monarchies, often rendered as King or Emperor, but also many other, see Prince, Princely state and Monarchy.
In a republic, the Head of State is nowadays usually styled president, but many have or had other titles and even specific constitutional positions (see below), and some have simply used 'Head of State' as their only formal title.
Individual Heads of State may acquire their position in a number of constitutional ways:
A Head of State may however seize power by force or revolution. This is not to be confused with the notion of an authoritarian or other totalitarian ruler, which rather concerns the oppressive nature of power once acquired, and therefore only applies if he is the true chief executive. Dictators often use democratic titles, though some proclaim themselves monarchs. Examples of the latter include Emperor Napoleon III of France and King Zog of Albania. Francisco Franco, who adopted the formal title Jefe del Estado, or Chief of State, and established himself as regent for a vacant monarchy. Idi Amin was one of several who made themselves President for Life.
Another type of extra-constitutional imposition, often also changing the constitution, is by a foreign power (state or alliance), either benign or, more often, rather for its own interest, such as establishing a branch of their own or a friendly dynasty.
Apart from violent ousting, a Head of State's position can also be lost in several ways:
All ways of ending a Head of State's term may carry a risk for the next incumbent, usually by contesting the validity of the procedure, but sometimes even after death in the case of pretenders.
In cases where one person is Head of State of multiple sovereign countries, there may be need to appoint a permanent representative in each (except at home). Examples are all but one Commonwealth Realms, where their King or Queen resides in another of the Crown's kingdoms, the United Kingdom, and so is represented in the others by a governor-general.
The Governor-General may fulfill many of the roles of a Head of State, but legally is not the Head of State, rather an appointed representative of the Head of State mandated to act in its place, even when the Monarch is present in the country. Some governors-general are considered de facto Heads of State because, though not the de jure (juridical or legal) Head of State, in practice they function like a Head of State in most or all jurisdictions.
In diplomatic situations, governors-general, if treated as de facto Heads of State, are sometimes accorded a status akin to a Head of State, but that is by tradition and on a case by case and person by person basis, not automatic. At state banquets, for example, toasts are made to the Head of State, (e.g. "Her Majesty the Queen of Australia"), never to a governor-general, except in so far as a personal toast may be proposed subsequently to "Governor-General and Mrs Smith" as hosts of, or guests at, the banquet. Similarly, Letters of Credence contain the name of the Head of State, not the governor-general, even if it is the latter who signs and receives them.
In 2005, Canada changed its policy and now all Letters of Credence are directed to the Governor General of Canada herself, not Queen Elizabeth II, making Canada the only country to not expressly issue or receive Letters in the name of its Head of State. Despite the fact that the Governor General of Canada remains the representative of the Queen of Canada, and appointed by her to that role, and thus is still constitutionally issuing Letters of Credence indirectly on behalf of the Queen of Canada, even if no longer explicitly by name, the Office of the Prime Minister of Canada stated in its press release announcing the changes to the Letters of Credence and Recall, issued December 29, 2004, that "in international diplomatic practice, Letters of Credence are formal diplomatic instruments that are presented by High Commissioners and Ambassadors to the Head of State of the host country... Letters of Credence and Recall presented by foreign High Commissioners and Ambassadors to Canada will now be addressed to the Governor General directly." This wording implies that the government of Canada, as least during Prime Minister Paul Martin's tenure, regarded the Governor General as the Canadian Head of State. Prime Minister of Canada: Canada updates diplomatic practice Similarly, a 2004 report issued by the Canadian Standing Committee on Government Operations and Estimates recognised that the nation is a constitutional monarchy, however described the 1947 Letters Patent as having devolved all powers of the Sovereign to the Governor General, making the latter Head of State, and then continued to refer to the Governor General as Head of State throughout the report. The Standing Committee on Government Operations and Estimates: Second Report: The Governor General of Canada:Role, Duties and Funding for Activities That same year, the then Governor General, Adrienne Clarkson, attended a ceremony in France to recognize Canada's involvement at Juno Beach in the D-Day landings of 1944. Her office stated that she was present as Canada's Head of State, and thus the Governor General was treated as the senior official in attendance, over even the Queen who was also present at the ceremony. While laying wreaths, the ceremony commentator stated that the Governor General was laying a wreath on behalf of Canada, whereas the Queen was laying a wreath on behalf of the Commonwealth. Rideau Hall later retracted the assertion that the Governor General attended as Head of State, saying that it was an error of a junior official, but this did not explain the unusual shift in protocol observed at the ceremony itself.
In opposition to this thinking, in the opening of his first speech in the Canadian House of Commons, Harper stated: "I'd like to acknowledge and thank a number of people. First of all I'd would like to pay tribute to our head of state, Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II." Prime Minister of Canada: Video Centre As well, the Governor General of Canada's website now refers to the Queen of Canada as Canada's Head of State. Governor General of Canada: Role and Responsibilities of the Governor General However, the Canadian Letters of Creedence and Recall continue to be issued in the name of, and addressed to the Governor General alone.
The question of whether the Sovereign or the Governor General is Head of State has also arisen in Australia, where some, especially amongst those on the monarchist side of the republic debate, and most notably Professor David Flint, National Convenor of Australians for Constitutional Monarchy, and Sir David Smith in his book Head of State: the Governor-General, the Monarchy, the Republic and the Dismissal, have stated that the Governor General is Head of State. Dispelling the myths:the Head of State Most others regard the Queen of Australia as the Australian Head of State.
As a colony or other dependent state or territory lacks the authority to vest in a true Head of State of its own, it either has no comparable office, simply receiving those roles exercised by the paramount powers (in person or, most of the time, through an appointed representative, often styled (lieutenant-)governor, but also various other titles, on the Cook Islands even simply King/Queen's Representative) or has one, such as a formerly sovereign dynasty, but under a form of metropolitan guardianship, such as protection, vassal or tributary status.
In Christianity (Roman Catholicism, and in some cases continued when turned protestant):
In Islam:
In Hinduism, certain dynasties adopted a title expressing their positions as 'servant' of a patron deity of the state, but in the sense of a (Prime) Minister under a figure head of state, ruling 'in the name of' the god(ess), e.g.:
In Buddhism:
The paradoxical term crowned republic (see there) refers to various state arrangements that combine 'republican' and 'monarchic' characteristics
When former crown colony Singapore ceased in 1959 to have the British crown as Monarch, represented by a Governor, it adopted the Malay style yang di-pertuan negara, compare the Malaysian paramount ruler Yang Dipertuan Agong; the second and last incumbent kept the style at the 31 August 1963 first independence and after the 18 September 1963 accession to federal Malaysia (so now as a constitutive part of the federation, a non-sovereign level); after withdrawing from Malaysia 22 December 1965, it became a republic within the Commonwealth, this time independent for good, and installed the same person as its first President.
There are also a few nations in which the exact title and definition of the office of Head of State have been vague. During the Cultural Revolution, following the downfall of Liu Shaoqi, who was Chairman of the People's Republic of China, no successor was named, so the duties of the Head of State were transferred collectively to the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress. This situation was later changed: the Head of State of the PRC is now the President of the People's Republic of China.
In North Korea, Kim Il-sung was named "eternal president" following his death and the presidency was abolished. As a result, the duties of the Head of State are constitutionally delegated to the Supreme People's Assembly whose chairman is "Head of State for foreign affairs" and performs some of the roles of a Head of State, such as accrediting foreign ambassadors. However, the symbolic role of a Head of State is generally performed by Kim Jong-il, who as the leader of the party and military, is the most powerful person in North Korea.
In some states the office of Head of State is not expressed in a specific title reflecting that role, but constitutionally awarded to a post of another formal nature. Thus in March 1979 colonel Muammar al-Qaddafi, who kept absolute power (still known as "Guide of the Revolution"), after ten years as combined Head of State and Head of government of the Libyan Jamahiriya ("state of the masses"), styled Chairman of the Revolutionary Command Council, formally transferred both qualities, to the General secretaries of the General People's Congress (comparable to a Speaker) respectively to a Prime Minister, in political reality both his creatures.
Sometimes a Head of State assumes office as a state becomes legal and political reality, before a formal title for the highest office is determined; thus in the since 1 January 1960 independent republic Cameroon (Cameroun, a former French colony), the first President, Ahmadou Babatoura Ahidjo (b. 1924 - d. 1989), was at first not styled président but 'merely' known as Chef d'état (literal French for 'Head of State') until 5 May 1960; in Uganda, military coup leader since 25 January 1971 Idi Amin was formally styled military head of State till 21 February 1971, only from then on regular (but unconstitutional, not elected) President.
Sometimes a state chooses to use a descriptive term in stead of a specific style, possibly even by abolishing an existing one. Thus when the 18 September 1921 proclaimed Independence of the Rif, under an Emir (ambivalent word, either general or ruler; full Arabic style Amir ar-Rif 18 September 1921 - 1 February 1923) Sayyidi Muhammad bin `Abd al-Karim al-Khattabi; known as Abd el-Krim (b. 1882 - d. 1963) transformed itself on 1 February 1923 into the Rif Republic (Dawlat al-Jumhuriyya ar-Rifiyya, in Arabic means circa 'people's state of the Rif'), the same incumbent Head of State was now re-styled Ra'is ad-Dawla (in Arabic, word for word, means Head of State) till it was on 27 May 1926 dissolved by Franco-Spanish forces.
In certain cases a special style is needed to accommodate the imperfect statehood, e.g. Sardar-i-Riyasat in Kashmir after its accession to India; the long de facto embodiment of Palestianian aspiration to independent statehood, PLO-leader Yasser Arafat was styled 5 July 1994 the first "President of the Palestinian National Authority" after an agreement with the military occupying power Israel allowed a Palestinian National Authority as a transitional status including Palestinian interim self-governing and a phased transfer of powers and territories (towns and areas of the West Bank), still awaiting the outcome of bumpy negotiations -he was repeatedly put under a form of Israeli arrest while in office- on its permanent status, which could end in a Palestinian State.
A monarch may retain his style and certain prerrogatives after abdication, as King Leopold III of Belgium who left the throne to his son after winning (but not in both linguistic communities of the country) a referendum; he retained a full royal household but no constitutional or representative role at all. In the case of Napoleon I Bonaparte, the Italian principality of Elba, chosen for his luxurious imprisonment after the remains of his Grande Armée (following the disastrous Russian campaign) had finally been defeated in 1814, was transformed into a miniature version of his First Empire, with most trappings of a sovereign monarchy, until his Cent Jours ('100 days' escape and reseizure of power in France) convinced the allies, reconvening the Vienna Congress in 1815, to revoke those gratitious privileges and send him to die in exile on barren St.Helena.
By tradition a deposed monarch who has not freely abdicated, though no longer Head of State, is allowed to use their monarchical title as a courtesy title for their lifetime. Hence, though he ceased to be Greek king in 1973 (in a disputed referendum during the Regime of the Colonels), or in 1974 (in a referendum after the reestablishment of democracy), it is still standard to refer to the deposed king as Constantine II of Greece. However none of his descendants will be entitled to be called King of the Hellenes (not King of Greece) after his death. Some states dispute the international acceptance of the right of their deposed monarchs to be referred to by their former title. It remains however the generally accepted formula, with most states declining to get involved in disputes between governments and deposed monarchs and simply stating that they are doing no more than recognising tradition, not supporting claims to a defunct throne. Other states have no problem with deposed monarchs being so referred to by former title, and even allow them to travel internationally on the state's diplomatic passport.
Heads of state | Government institutions | Monarchy | Positions of authority
Kok-ka ê thâu-lâng | Държавен глава | Cap d'Estat | Hlava státu | Statsoverhoved | Staatsoberhaupt | Riigipea | Jefe de Estado | Ŝtatestro | Chef d'État | 국가 원수 | Kepala negara | Capo di stato | ראש מדינה | Sjtaotshouf | Államfő | Staatshoofd | 元首 | Statssjef | Statsoverhovud | Głowa państwa | Chefe de Estado | Глава государства | Head of state | Hlava štátu | Valtionpäämies | Statschef | ประมุขแห่งรัฐ | Quốc trưởng | Devlet başkanı | 國家元首
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