Francis Fukuyama (born October 27, 1952 in Chicago) is an influential American philosopher, political economist and author.
He received his B.A. from Cornell University in classics, his Ph.D. from Harvard in Political Science, and is currently Bernard L. Schwartz Professor of International Political Economy and Director of the International Development Program at the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies at the Johns Hopkins University. He has been affiliated with the Telluride Association since his undergraduate years at Cornell, an educational enterprise that was home to other significant leaders and intellectuals, including the Nobel Laureate Steven Weinberg and the defense and foreign affairs official, Paul Wolfowitz.
He has written a number of other books, among them The Social Virtues and the Creation of Prosperity and Consequences of the Biotechnology Revolution. In the latter, he qualified his original "end of history" thesis, arguing that since biotechnology increasingly allows humans to control their own evolution, it may allow humans to alter "human nature", thereby putting Liberal Democracy at risk. One possible outcome could be that an altered human nature could end in radical inequality. The current revolution in biological sciences leads him the theorize in an enviroment in which as he says history is not an end because science and technology are not at an end.
Thereafter, however, he drifted from the neoconservative agenda, which he felt had become overly militaristic and based on muscular, unilateral armed intervention to further democratization within authoritarian regimes (particularly in the Middle East). He did not approve of the 2003 invasion of Iraq as it was executed, and called for Donald Rumsfeld's resignation as Secretary of Defense He said that he would vote against Bush in the 2004 election [http://clublet.com/why?WhyIWontVoteForGeorgeBush, and said Bush made three major mistakes:
Fukuyama's current beliefs include: the US should use its power to promote democracy in the world, but more along the lines of what he calls realistic Wilsonianism, with military intervention only as a last resort and only in addition to other measures. A latent military force is more likely to have an effect than actual deployment. The US spends more on its military than the rest of the world put together, but Iraq shows there are limits to its effectiveness. The US should instead stimulate political and economic development and gain a better understanding of what happens in other countries. The best instruments are setting a good example and providing education and, in many cases, money. The secret of development, be it political or economic, is that it never comes from outsiders, but always from people in the country itself. One thing the US is good at is the formation of international institutions. These would combine power with legitimacy. But such measures require a lot of patience.
In an essay in the New York Times Magazine in 2006 that was strongly critical of the invasion *, he identified neoconservatism with Leninism. He wrote that the neoconservatives:
...believed that history can be pushed along with the right application of power and will. Leninism was a tragedy in its Bolshevik version, and it has returned as farce when practiced by the United States. Neoconservatism, as both a political symbol and a body of thought, has evolved into something I can no longer support.
He also announced the end of the "neoconservative moment" and argued for the demilitarization of the war on terrorism:
"*ar" is the wrong metaphor for the broader struggle, since wars are fought at full intensity and have clear beginnings and endings. Meeting the jihadist challenge is more of a "long, twilight struggle" whose core is not a military campaign but a political contest for the hearts and minds of ordinary Muslims around the world.
If he has distanced himself from the label of neoconservatism, he remains indebted to Leo Strauss, purported father of neoconservatism, for much of the theoretical basis of his political economics. In Our PostHuman Future he takes a Straussian stance, defending a classical doctrine of natural right. He says his argument is Aristotelian and that
Aristotle argued, in effect, that human notions of right and wrong--what we today call human rights--were ultimately based on human nature.{p. 12}
Fukuyama was a member of the President's Council on Bioethics from 2001-2005.
Fukuyama is on the steering committee for the Scooter Libby Legal Defense Trust *. Fukuyama is a long-time friend of Libby. They served together in the State Department in the 1980s.
Fukuyama is also a part-time photographer and has a keen interest in classical furniture which he makes by hand. He is married to Laura Holmgren and has three children.
1952 births | Living people | American political writers | American technology writers | Japanese Americans | American political scientists | Johns Hopkins University | Project for the New American Century | Neoconservatives | American anti-war activists | Cornell University alumni | Johns Hopkins University faculty | Theories of history
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