Fine Gael (IPA , though often mispronounced (approximate English translation: Family of the Irish) is currently the second largest political party in Ireland, presently forming the official opposition in the Oireachtas (Irish Parliament), and claims a membership of over 34,000.
Fine Gael was founded on 3 September 1933 following the merger of Cumann na nGaedhael, the Centre Party and the Army Comrades Association, a quasi-fascist group popularly known as the 'Blueshirts'. It traces its origins back to the struggle for Irish independence and the pro-Treaty side in the Irish Civil War, identified in particular with Michael Collins. Fine Gael today describes itself as a party of the progressive centre though, in many ways, the party complies more with the model of the mainland European Christian democratic parties. They are strongly pro-EU integration and opposed to radical and violent Irish republicanism, advocating a more pluralist, tolerant brand of Irish nationalism. Fine Gael is the only member-party of the Christian Democratic European People's Party (EPP) in Ireland, or indeed, from anywhere outside Continental Europe. In the European Parliament, the EPP, with the European Democrats party, forms the European People's Party - European Democrats group in which Fine Gael's MEPs sit.
The leader also serves as the President of the party
However the party has refused to move to either Social Democracy or explicitly to the Centre-Right and, while currently trying to position itself as an alternative government along with the Labour party, it has not proposed a substantial ideological shift from the status quo.
The party has made proposals in a few specific areas such as Neutrality, Childcare and Same-sex Unions.
In reality, it was really a larger version of Cumann na nGaedhael, the party created in 1923 by the Pro-Treaty leaders of the Irish Free State under William T. Cosgrave. The new party sought to end the Economic War, improve relations with Britain while advocating a United Ireland within the framework of the Commonwealth. After a short hiatus under the disastrous leadership of General Eoin O'Duffy, Cosgrave returned to lead the new party, continuing in the leadership until 1944. Although the people who formed the party had been in government for ten years in the Irish Free State (1922-32), once Fianna Fáil under Eamon de Valera came to power in 1932, Fine Gael spent the next sixteen years in the doldrums, overshadowed by the larger party. Indeed at times, it went into what was thought to be terminal decline on the opposition benches.
While the party has always been associated with the "Law and Order" tag, on several occasions they have shared power with political parties closely associated with armed groups. In 1948 Clann na Poblachta held considerable support among members of the then IRA, and, in return for the Clann's support in 1954, Costello ensured that the votes of Fine Gael councillors elected Liam Kelly to the Seanad (Labour Panel). Kelly had been a member of the IRA from which he was expelled for insubordination in 1951. He then founded a splinter paramilitary group, Saor Uladh ("Free Ulster") which was largely active in Kelly's home area in east Tyrone. Incidents such as Saor Uladh's attack on the RUC barracks in Rosslea, County Fermanagh contributed to the fall of the Government and the 1957 general election. Costello's Government, although it decided against the re-introduction of internment, responded to the activities of Saor Uladh and the mainstream IRA by stepping up security measures against these groups, leading to the arrest of prominent republicans. In response to this and to a rapid deterioration in the state of the economy, Clann na Poblachta withdrew its support and Costello was left with no choice other than to call an election.
Cosgrave, like his father before him, showed a fierce determination to defend the institutions of the state and would not compromise with extremists, instead working towards reconciliation. The National Coalition is best remembered for its attempts to build a power shairing executive in Northern Ireland through the Sunningdale Agreement. The Sunningdale Agreement collapsed after a loyalist general strike. However, it left a legacy of compromise that would lead to later Agreements aimed at bringing peace to the troubled region. In 1977 the Fine Gael/Labour government suffered a heavy defeat, with Fianna Fáil winning an unprecedented 20-seat majority in the 148-seat Dáil, a landslide under Proportional Representation.
From a highpoint in the 1980s, Fine Gael went into slight, then sharp decline. Despite Dukes launching the Tallaght Strategy in 1987, the party gained just four seats in the following general Election. In 1990, its candidate in the Irish presidential election, Austin Currie, was pushed into a humiliating third place, behind the winner, Labour's Mary Robinson and Fianna Fáil's Brian Lenihan. This led to John Bruton replacing Alan Dukes as the party's leader. In 1989, political history was made when Fianna Fáil abandoned one of its "core principles", its opposition to coalition. Having failed in 1987 and 1989 to win outright majorities, Fianna Fáil entered into a coalition administration with the Progressive Democrats. Commentators predicted that that would leave Fine Gael isolated, with Fianna Fáil able to swap coalition partners to keep itself in continual power. That indeed seemed the case when, after the 1992 general election, Fianna Fáil replaced the Progressive Democrats with the Irish Labour Party. However the Fianna Fáil-Labour coalition disintegrated in 1994, allowing Bruton to emerge as Taoiseach of a three party Rainbow Coalition, involving Fine Gael, Labour and Democratic Left.
Immediately after the 1992 general election Fine Gael had baulked at the idea of forming a Fine Gael-Labour-Democratic Left coalition, given that Democratic Left had just emerged from the Workers Party which was, in turn, closely linked to the illegal Official IRA. (Democratic Left had only been in existence for a number of months; the split in the Workers Party which led to its creation was caused, among other issues, by disagreement over that organisation's future links to the Official IRA.) Another, practical, objection was that the three parties combined had one seat less than a working majority in the Dáil. For these reasons (and on the basis of the greater ideological affinity between Fine Gael and the Progressive Democrats) Bruton sought a Fine Gael-Labour-PD coalition. Between 1992 and 1994, however, the Dáil arithmetic changed, so that a Fine Gael-Labour-Democratic Left would have a working majority. When the opportunity to form such a Government arose, any remaining concerns Fine Gael had about forming such a combination were set aside, just as in 1948 and 1954 Fine Gael had been willing to ally itself with Clann na Poblachta (see The Inter Party Governments above).
This Government's first policy initiative was the introduction of Divorce which was ratified in a referendum by a narrow majority. The Government also oversaw unprecedented economic growth and Ireland's first budget surplus in over twenty years. However, the Provisional IRA ceasefire ended in 1996, stalling the peace process. The three parties worked well together and fought the 1997 election on a united platform. However, despite positive opinion polls throughout its time in office, the Government was defeated in the 1997 general election. Fine Gael gained nine seats but Labour lost heavily and the rainbow coalition was replaced by a Fianna Fáil-Progressive Democrats coalition under Bertie Ahern.
However, Fine Gael staged a remarkable recovery in local and European elections held on 11 June 2004. It won 5 of the Republic of Ireland's 13 European Parliament seats (compared to just 4 seats for the ruling Fianna Fáil party), and won almost the same number of local authority seats as Fianna Fáil.
Since the 2005 endorsement by the Labour Party conference in Tralee, of a pre-election voting transfer pact with Fine Gael in 2005, Enda Kenny and Pat Rabbitte, the Labour party leader have seen increased parlaimentary and public co-operation.
Following on from the Mullingar Accord, an election pact preceding the 2004 Local and European elections, where Fine Gael benifited largely, they have worked party rank and file into support of a second Rainbow Coalition. With the Irish General Election in under a year away, they have began to draw up mutually acceptable and compatible policy documents. It is suspected that if the parties form a government after the next election, the Labour Party leader, will become Taniste (deputy primeminister), and Minister of Finance, with the Fine Gael leader becoming the Taoiseach (premier).
Though some doubt their potential for forming a stable government, with some opponents and journalists commenting on their incompatibility with Fine Gael as a traditionally centre right conservative party and Labour, a left of centre socially democratic organisation, the parties seem set to effect their plans and assist each other electorally in the 2007 pole. The leaders have set aside the Summer season for the bulk of policy formation.
Fine Gael appears set to at least regain many of the seats it lost during the disastrous 2002 campaign at the next General Election.
The Fine Gael party has achieved an average of just over 30% of first preference votes in Irish elections since 1922.
Fine Gael have an active youth wing, Young Fine Gael. They were formed in 1977 by Garret FitzGerald and play an active part in the party's affairs and activities.
''The state of the parties is: Fianna Fáil 31 per cent, down 6 from the last Irish Times/TNS mrbi poll in January; Fine Gael 28 per cent, up 4; Labour 15 per cent, down 1; Sinn Féin 9 per cent, unchanged; Green Party 5 per cent, up 1; Progressive Democrats 3 per cent, unchanged; others and independents 9 per cent, up 1.
Core support is: Fianna Fáil 30 per cent, down 6; Fine Gael 21 per cent, up 3; Labour 11 per cent, down 1; Sinn Féin 7 per cent, unchanged; Green Party 4 per cent, up 1; Progressive Democrats 2 per cent, down 1; others and independents 8 per cent, up 1; undecided 17 per cent, up 2.
The Fianna Fáil/Progressive Democrats coalition parties have a combined support of just 34 per cent compared to 43 per cent for Fine Gael and Labour. The Green Party, currently on 5 per cent, is seen as a potential participant in a government involving Fine Gael and Labour, although it plans to fight the next election independent of alliances.
The poll was conducted on the 15th and 16th of May, among a national quota sample of 1,000 people at 100 sampling points throughout all constituencies in the State. It took place after a weekend in which the Taoiseach received high profile coverage in relation to Fianna Fáil's 80th anniversary celebrations, but also in the wake of the Fine Gael Ardfheis the previous weekend.''
Enda Kenny's personal rating remains at 40 per cent, the same figure he achieved last January. Some 27 per cent are dissatisfied down 2, and 33 per cent have no opinion, up 1.
The percentage vote for the parties in the 2002 general election was: Fianna Fáil 42 per cent, Fine Gael 22 per cent, Labour 11 per cent, Sinn Féin 7 per cent, Progressive Democrats 4 per cent, Green Party 4 per cent, others and independents 11 per cent. The Taoiseach said last weekend that he would call the next general election for May or June of next year. From the Irish Times, Friday May 19th with statistics from TNS/mrbi.
Fine Gael has 33 seats, represented by the bright blue squares in the bottom left corner.
For a list of Fine Gael Teachtaí Dála and MEPs, past and present see ''List of Irish politicians
Changes since the 2002 General Election
Liam Twomey, elected as an Independent for Wexford, joined the Fine Gael Parliamentary Party in September 2004.
John Bruton resigned his Dáil seat in November 2004 to become EU Ambassador to the US, and was replaced in the March 2005 by-election by Shane McEntee, also from Fine Gael.
Fine Gael MEPs are part of the Group of the European People's Party (Christian Democrats) and European Democrats (EEP-ED) group in the European Parliament.
Kelly made one speech as a Senator, in support of a motion that all elected parliamentary representatives of the people of "the six occupied counties of Ireland" should be given a right of audience in the Dáil or in the Seanad: 44 Seanad Debates cols 344-50 (25 November 1954) and another brief intervention (in Irish) in a debate on the development and preservation of the Gaeltacht: 45 Seanad Debates cols 507-508 (2 November 1955).
Maguire, John Internment, the IRA and the Lawless Case in Ireland: 1957-61 Journal of the Oxford University History Society, 2 (Michelmas 2004) pp 2-4. Available http://users.ox.ac.uk/~jouhs/michaelmas2004/maguire02.pdf (Last visited, 14 July 2006).
Fine Gael had gained two seats at bye-elections (one from Fianna Fáil and one from the PDs) and Democratic Left two (one from Fianna Fáil and one from Labour): List of Irish by-elections - 27th Dáil Éireann (1992-1997).)
Christian Democratic parties | Republic of Ireland political parties | Fine Gael | 1933 establishments
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