Amongst the major industrialized countries, Japan is one of the most ethnically homogenous. Some consider this the main reason for the social and political stability of Japan. However, there are accusations of a "deep and profound" racism in the country, especially regarding ethnic Korean and Chinese residents in Japan.Japan racism 'deep and profound' BBC
| Nationality | Number | Percentage |
|---|---|---|
| North and South Korea | 613,791 | 32.1% |
| China | 462,396 | 24.1% |
| Brazil | 274,700 | 14.3% |
| Philippines | 185,237 | 9.7% |
| Peru | 53,649 | 2.8% |
| United States | 47,836 | 2.5% |
| Others | 277,421 | 14.5% |
| Total | 1,915,030 | 100% |
The above statistic does not include about 50,000 U.S. soldiers stationed in Japan and illegal immigrants. Moreover, the statistics do not reflect minority groups who are Japanese citizens such the Ainu (an aboriginal people primarily living in Hokkaido) the Ryukyuan (who may or may not be considered ethnically Japanese) and the Burakumin (whose distinction is not ethnicity, but class - based on a caste system which originates from the Tokugawa era).
Because of their citizenship and legal status, many Zainichi are relegated to low-paying jobs. After World War II, the Korean community in Japan was split between allegiance to capitalist South Korea (Mindan) and communist North Korea (Chongryon). South Koreans in Japan are called Zainichi Kankokujin (在日韓国人), while North Koreans are called Zainichi Chosenjin (在日朝鮮人).
Japanese law does not allow dual citizenship, and until the 1980s required adoption of a Japanese name for citizenship. Partially for this reason, Japanese nationality is still equated with Japanese ethnicity. For some Zainichi, especially the Zainichi North Koreans, becoming a Japanese citizen is regarded as giving up being Korean. Very few Zainichi keep their Korean family names after obtaining citizenship because they see no point in asserting Korean identity once they become "Japanese".
At present, fewer than 20,000 Ainu are considered racially distinct. Most, if not all, of the Ainu in Japan are of mixed ancestry. Many customs and traditions of the Ainu have been lost, abandoned, or annihilated, and the Ainu language is no longer in daily use.
Only recently have the Ainu started to become aware of international aboriginal rights movements. Thus, as of late, some schools in Hokkaido have been established to preserve and revive the Ainu culture.
Whether Okinawans are Japanese or not is debated throughout Japan. The Okinawan language is unintelligible to many Japanese people, but linguistically believed to be a distant dialect of the Japanese language. This is because even within the four main islands of Japan, different regions may speak local dialects that are unintelligible to other regions.
Culturally, Okinawa is much closer to southern China and Southeast Asia reflecting its long history of trade with these regions. However, because of the standard use of Japanese in schools, television, and all print media in Okinawa, these cultural differences are often glossed over in Japanese society. Consequently, many Japanese consider Okinawans to be Japanese, sometimes ignoring their distinct cultural and historical heritage in insensitive ways.
Some Okinawans intensely resent what they perceive to be second-class treatment from the Japanese government, especially in regard to friction with the United States military presence in Okinawa.
After the war, shin-heimin registration as well as other differential registration was abolished. However, at the time, family registry (koseki) in Japan was tied to the location of original (i.e. ancestral) registration. This meant that one's burakumin background could be revealed easily before marriage or when applying for employment. A law prohibiting the transfer of koseki was amended during the 1980s, so it is now possible for burakumin to avoid discrimination simply by changing the location of their koseki.
Municipal rubbish collection, sewage cleaning, and cremation—jobs which Japanese associate with filth—have historically been performed by people with a burakumin background. Discrimination is still an issue for kaihou seisaku (liberation policy) in the local municipalities. Unlike other minority groups, however, the burakumin are decidedly integrationist due to the lack of a distinct cultural heritage.
During the 1980s and 1990s, the Keidanren business lobbying organization advocated a policy of allowing South Americans of Japanese ancestry (mainly Brazilians and Peruvians) to work in Japan, as Japan's industries faced a major labor shortage. Although this policy has been decelerated in recent years, many of these individuals continue to live in Japan, some in ethnic enclaves near their workplaces. Many people from Asia (particularly Vietnam and the Philippines) and the Middle East (particularly Iran) also entered Japan (often illegally) during this time, making foreigners as a group a more visible minority in Japan. Those foreigners are called Rainichi ("coming to Japan") in contrast to Zainichi ("in Japan").
The main concerns of the latter groups are often related to their legal status, a public perception of criminal activity, and general discrimination associated with being non-Japanese.
Article 14 of the Constitution of Japan states that all citizens are equal under the law, and they cannot be discriminated against politically, economically, or socially on the basis of race, belief, sex, or social or other background. However, this clause does not apply to discrimination committed by private individuals or establishments or legal discrimination based on citizenship. Hate speech is not a criminal offense, but insulting, such as calling someone "fool!", is a minor civil offense resulting in monetary compensation (which is often lower than the cost of going through the judicial process). Japan does not have human rights legislation which enforces or penalises discriminatory activities committed by citizens, businesses, or non-governmental organisations. The country does not have specific hate crime laws. Racism and hate-motivated offenses that include assault, vandalism, and robbery are prosecuted as regular crimes.
Attempts have been made in the Diet to enact human rights legislation. In 2002, a draft was submitted to the House of Representatives, but did not reach a vote. Had the law passed, it would have set up a Human Rights Commission to investigate, name and shame, or financially penalise discriminatory practices as well as hate speech committed by private citizens or establishments. Though the anti-discrimination clause raised little objection, the anti-hate speech clause received very hostile reception from Japanese media, including liberals who saw it as a potential threat to the freedom of speech and publication. In 2005, the ruling coalition government attempted to resubmit a revised version of the draft which somewhat limited the application of hate speech clause, but it still failed to reach a consensus within the ruling Liberal Democratic Party.
Another issue which is often debated, but has not received much legislative attention is whether to allow permanent residents to vote in local legislatures. Zainichi organisations affiliated with North Korea are against this initiative, while Zainichi organisations affiliated with South Korea support it.
Finally, there is debate about altering requirements for work permits to foreigners. Currently, the Japanese government does not issue work permits unless it can be demonstrated that the person has certain skills which cannot be provided by locals.
According to National Police Authority record in 2002, however, 16,212 foreigners were caught committing 34,746 crimes, over half of which turned out to be visa violations (residing/working in Japan without a valid visa). The statistics show that 12,667 cases (36.5%) and 6,487 individuals (40.0%) were Chinese, 5,272 cases (15.72%) and 1,186 individuals (7.3%) were Brazilian, and 2,815 cases (8.1%) and 1,738 individuals (10.7%) were Korean. The total number of crimes committed in the same year by Japanese was 546,934 cases.
Within these statistics, Japanese committed 6,925 violent crimes, of which 2,531 were arson or rape, while foreigners committed 323 violent crimes, but only 42 cases are classified as arson or rape. Foreigners, however, were more likely to commit crimes in groups. About 61.5% of crimes committed by foreigners had one or more accomplice, while only 18.6% of crimes committed by Japanese were in groups.
These statistics show that while foreigners only make up ~1.5% of Japan's population, the were responsible for ~6% of Japan's crimes in 2002.
In the case of housing, it is often stated that those that cannot bring references from their employer or professors might be illegal immigrants who may sublet their room to a large number of other foreigners (which is undoubtedly due to a lack of housing these illegal immigrants encounter).
Another issue is the presence of many non-Japanese in Japanese media, especially on television, who hide their ethnicity. There are particularly large numbers of Zainichi hiding their Korean background. They are often third-generation Koreans who were born and raised in Japan and speak only Japanese. They do not use their Korean names for fear of discrimination.
A common example of this issue is the Japanese use of the colloquial term "gaijin" instead of "gaikokujin" to refer to foreigners (particularly Westerners). Many strongly object to the word, as it literally means "outside person", as opposed to "foreigner", and allegedly has an implied exclusionary tone. Others view it as an abbreviation of the more formal term gaikokujin, which is used by the government and media.
Similarly, when Tokyo Governor Shintaro Ishihara referred to Chinese and Koreans as "sangokujin" in context of foreigners being a potential source of unrest in the time of an earthquake, it caused an outcry among the media. Historically, the word has often been used pejoratively and Ishihara's statement brought images of the massacre of Koreans by civilians and police alike during the 1923 Great Kanto earthquake to mind. Therefore, the use of the term in context of potential rioting by foreigners is considered by many as provocative, if not explicitly racist.
Another example, which has been particularly shocking to many in the West, is a lack of sensitivity among the Japanese toward racism against blacks. For example, one Japanese doo-wop pop group (see Rats & Star) in 1970s routinely appeared on stage painting their skin dark brown and wearing sunglasses to look black, totally oblivious to the implications of such an act in the West. Similarly, during the 1980s, Takara created and sold a doll called "Dakko-chan" (snuggle baby), an inflatable dark-colored plastic doll with fat lips and arms that could wrap around human arms or other pole-like objects.
The doll was a commercial hit and was soon exported outside Japan as "Little Black Sambo". Many Americans made claims that it resembled blackface costumes worn by performers in the minstrel shows popular in the past. After receiving numerous complaints, the sales of the doll were stopped. In Japan, as a sort of hasty reaction, there were efforts to remove anything that people believed were racist against black people. The sale of Japanese translations of the book "Little Black Sambo", was halted. Any pictorial representations of blacks with fat lips, especially in manga and anime, were purged during this period.
See also:
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"Ethnic issues in Japan".
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