The economy of Africa comprises approximately 887 million people as of July 2005 living in 54 different states. Africa is by far the world's poorest inhabited continent, and it is, on average, poorer than it was 25 years ago.
The United Nations' Human Development Report 2003 (of 175 countries) found that positions 151 (Gambia) to 175 (Sierra Leone) were taken up entirely by African nations.
It has had (and in some ways is still having) a shaky and uncertain transition from colonialism, with the ensuing Cold War and increases in corruption and despotism being major contributing factors to its poor economic situation. In contrast to the rapid growth in China and India, and moderate growth in South America, which has lifted millions beyond subsistence living, Africa has stagnated. It has even gone backwards in terms of foreign trade, investment, and per capita income. This poverty has widespread effects, including low life expectancy, violence, and instability - factors intertwined with the continent's poverty. Over the decades there have been many attempts to improve the economy of Africa with very little success. Much of the continent is still very poor.
While no African nation could be considered wealthy enough to join the ranks of the developed nations in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the entire continent is not utterly impoverished and there is considerable variation in its wealth. The richest areas are the far north and south of the continent. Arab North Africa has long been closely linked to the economies of Europe and the Middle East. In the south, South Africa is by far the continent's wealthiest state, both in GDP per capita and in total GDP, and its neighbours to the north have shared in this wealth. The relatively small and oil-rich states of Gabon and Equatorial Guinea round out the list of the ten wealthiest states in Africa.
West Africa, with a long history of trade and a high level of development in the pre-colonial era, has tended to be wealthier and more stable than the continental average. The island nations such as the Seychelles, Cape Verde, and Mauritius, have also remained somewhat wealthier than the continental nations, but the unstable Comoros remain poor.
The poorest states are those that are engaged in or have just emerged from civil wars. These include the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sierra Leone, Burundi, and Somalia. In recent times the poorest region has been the Horn of Africa, although it has historically been one of the wealthiest regions of sub-Saharan Africa. Ethiopia in particular had a long and successful history. The current poverty of the region, and the associated famines and wars, have been a problem for several decades.
There is also considerable internal variation within countries. Urban areas, especially capital cities, are generally wealthier than rural zones. Inequality is pronounced in most African countries: an upper class has a much higher income than the majority of the population.
Before the advent of the Roman Empire, Ancient Egypt had been one of the most prosperous and advanced civilizations on Earth. The port of Alexandria (founded by Alexander the Great in 334 BC) was one of the hubs for Mediterranean trade for many centuries. Well into the 19th century, Egypt remained one of the most developed parts of the world outside Europe.
South of the Sahara conditions were very different. Internal trade within the continent, being cut off by thick forests and massive deserts, was always difficult. The bulk of sub-Saharan Africa has never been as prosperous as the rest of the world. The main exceptions were Nubia, Ethiopia, Mali and Ghana which had trade routes north to the Mediterranean world and Middle East.
However, new technologies and the development of civilization made trading easier all over the world. For most of the first millennium AD, the Axumite Kingdom had a prosperous trade empire on the East Coast (where today we can find the states of Ethiopia and Eritrea). Axum had a powerful navy and trading links going as far as the Byzantine Empire and India. The introduction of the camel by the Arab conquerors of North Africa in the 10th century opened trade across the Sahara for the first time. The profits from trade in gold and salt led to the creation of a series of powerful empires in the western Sahel that, according to travellers' reports, were home to vast wealth, including the Kingdom of Ghana and the Mali and Kanem-Bornu Empires. Arabs also played an important role in building a prosperous maritime trade along the east coast of the continent. This region became quite prosperous as Swahili traders exported ivory and slaves across a trading region that spanned the entire Indian Ocean region.
Further south empires were less common, but there were exceptions, most notably Great Zimbabwe. One region that did see considerable state formation due to its high population and agricultural surplus was the Great Lakes region where states such as Rwanda, Burundi, and Buganda became strongly centralized.
In the 15th century, Portuguese traders circumvented the Saharan trade route and began to trade directly with Guinea. The Portuguese traders were joined by other European traders as the decades passed, and this led to a rapid rise in prosperity in that region, which soon became home to a number of flourishing states, such as the Kingdom of Benin, Dahomey, and the Ashanti Confederacy. Also common in this region were loose federations of city states such as those of the Yoruba and Hausa. However, this wealth was principally based on the slave trade; and this source of economic wealth collapsed with the abolition of slavery and the later colonization of almost the entire continent by European powers.
While Europeans were ostensibly committed to developing their colonies, the first decades of colonial rule saw a laissez-faire strategy employed, where it was hoped that European companies would do most of the actual development work if given a secure operating environment. This only occurred in a handful of areas with especially rich resources, and growth of the colonial economies was minimal from the 1890s until the end of the 1920s. The colonies were also obliged to pay their own way, receiving little to no development money from the home country. It was only in the 1930s with the rise of Keynesian economics that it became agreed that the colonial administrations had a significant role to play in encouraging development. However, the Great Depression and the Second World War hampered new projects. It was not until the post-war years that colonial development projects truly got under way.
The 1950s saw booming economies in much of Africa as growth and international trade increased to many times their pre-war levels. This was tied to the insatiable demand for raw materials in the rebuilding economies of Asia and Europe and the strong growth in North America, which caused raw material prices to increase greatly. By the end of the colonial era in the 1960s, there was great hope that Africa could continue to grow substantially on its own. Sporadic growth during the years after independence continued as the new nations borrowed heavily from abroad to fuel growth.
However, Africa was hit hard by the world economic decline of the 1970s, rising oil prices, corruption, and political instability; and in subsequent decades Africa has steadily become poorer compared to the rest of the world. Africa stands in stark contrast to the solid growth in South America and the spectacular growth of East Asia over that same period. In 1970, according to the World Economic Forum, ten percent of the world's poor were in Africa; by 2000, half of them were. From 1974 to 2000 the average income declined by *]200. Beginning in 1976, the Lomé agreements and Cotonou agreement between the EU and ACP countries (including Sub-Saharan Africa) have structured economic relations between the two areas.
The cultivation of crops for export to the West while millions on the continent starve has often been criticized. Many blame it on the current practices of Japan, the European Union and the United States. Each massively subsidise their own farmers, leading to overproduction of such commodities as grain, cotton and milk; this lowers the global price of such products and makes Africans unable to compete with the West and Japan, except in cash crops that do not grow easily in a northern climate. On the other hand, these countries also protect their agricultural sector by high import tariffs.
Thus, in Africa all excess capacity is turned over to growing crops for export; as a result, when crisis sparked by civil unrest or a bad harvest occurs, there is no extra food saved that could make up the shortfall, and people starve. The excess foodstuffs grown in the developed nations are often just destroyed, as it is not economically viable to transport it over long distance across the oceans to a market that has little money to spend. While in ideal circumstances cash crops can help to improve the wealth of a nation, any positive aspects are negated if their production leads to famine.
While mining and drilling bring in the most money to Africa each year, these industries employ a tiny fraction of the continent's population, only about two million people. This means that the profits normally go either to large corporations or to the governments. Both have been known to squander much of this money on luxuries for the elite or on megaprojects that return little value.
In some cases, these resources have turned out to be a curse. For example, though Congo is rich in minerals, the country remains one of the poorest countries in the world. This is historically due to ownership fights over these minerals. In Congo, the fights could be traced back to early 1900s. After Congo became independent from Belgium, the colonial government hesitated to leave behind these resources. Congo solicited UN help to push Belgium, but that turned out to be a bad idea. In an attempt to get out of the quagmire, Congo sought USSR assistance, but this led the country deeper into trouble, as the country separated into two and a lengthy proxy war between the west and east began.
The multinational corporations that control most of the world's major industries, and the financiers who pay for them, require some guarantee of political stability before erecting an expensive factory—and this stability is rare in Africa. A certain level of education among the populace, good infrastructure and a stable source of electricity are also considered essential factors in investment decisions, but these factors are lacking across much of Africa. Thus other poor regions of the world—India and China—are more attractive to companies looking to build a new factory or invest in a local enterprise.
In earlier years, many states also had limits on foreign investment to ensure local majority ownership, and close governmental control over industry further discouraged international investment. Attempts to foster local industrial concerns have been hampered by insufficient money for investment and lack of technology and training. The paucity of local markets for goods and the difficulty of transporting goods from major African centres to world markets also plays an important role in the lack of manufacturing outside of South Africa.
Encouraging foreign investment in Africa has been very difficult. Even Africans are reluctant to invest and about forty percent of savings from sub-Saharan Africa are invested in other markets. Much investment must thus come from foreign governments, who often have ulterior motives, or the IMF and World Bank, who impose stringent conditions (see austerity) before loaning money
Countries in Africa are also cut off from the sea to a greater extent than those on other continents. Africa has more landlocked nations than any other continent, and countries in the centre of Africa are more populous than those of other areas. By contrast, the centres of North America and Asia are composed of vast steppes or plains that can never support a high population density. Most notably, the ridge running from Zimbabwe to Ethiopia has superb volcanic soils and the higher altitude gives it a more temperate climate. The lack of access to the sea makes international trade far harder.
Within Africa, the wealth of nations is highly correlated with changes in latitude. One potential explanation for this is that modern civilization originates and is possibly best suited for temperate climates, but fails in the tropics. The majority of the world's population and wealth is found in the temperate zone. Historically the vast expanse of Eurasia, almost entirely in the temperate zone, was linked by land routes, allowing technologies and ideas to spread from one area over time, aiding innovation. This expanse and spread of technologies among those in the temperate zones means that everything from agricultural techniques to medicines are more often made to address the concerns of the northern climes, and often fail when brought south. This theory could partly explain why temperate South Africa is by far the wealthiest part of Africa, and why other tropical areas in South America and Indonesia share in Africa's poverty. There are no tropical countries in the OECD, and only a handful have a GDP per capita above the world average. A tropical latitude is not a guarantee of poverty, but globally there is a definite correlation between wealth and climate. Variations of the theory of geographic determinism date back to Montesquieu but have recently been revived by academics such as William Masters and Jeffrey Sachs and popular writers such as Jared Diamond.
Africa is well-endowed with natural resources. The continent has the world's largest supplies of gold and diamonds and contains large reserves of oil both in the north and around the Gulf of Guinea. Some have suggested that, counterintuitively, these foster a resource curse which fosters poor governance, and few African countries seem to have materially benefited from their mineral wealth. It is as well suited to agriculture as any other continent; the volcanic soils of the Great Lakes region are—by some measures—the best in the world.
One resource that Sub-Saharan Africa has historically lacked is stone suitable for building. This meant that almost all pre-colonial civilizations built mainly out of mud brick, which leaves few lasting ruins. The only notable exception to this is Great Zimbabwe. For many years this led European explorers and historians to conclude that pre-colonial sub-Saharan Africa was devoid of civilization, as in Europe all great civilizations left an indelible mark in stone ruins.
Closely linked to geography is the problem of disease in Africa. The tropics have been, and still are, more hospitable to disease than the colder climates. The most significant illness has long been malaria. A new problem, but one of vast magnitude, is the rise of HIV/AIDS in Sub-Saharan Africa. AIDS, the spread of which to some degree correlates with that of poverty, has hit hardest in some of the wealthiest African countries, including Botswana, Swaziland, and South Africa. AIDS has decimated or will decimate the working-age population of many states.
The cost healthcare costs, including those of importing anti-retroviral AIDS drugs from the west is also a major new burden on many African states, leading to the challenging of drug prices and the manufacture of cheap generic alternatives. Tropical diseases are often just as expensive to cure, when cures exist. Since the tropical regions are far poorer, pharmaceutical companies are reluctant to invest in curing the diseases of the region. Disease not only reduces the work force and creates an extra burden on health care, but also has an important effect on agriculture and transportation, as most forms of livestock cannot survive the diseases of the region. Historically this meant that sub-Saharan Africans did not have the use of pack animals for trade or work horses for labour, hurting the continent's development.
The effect of AIDS could lead to a major African epidemic. This will cost Africa a lot of money for vaccines and a lot of patience.
There is great debate over the effect of the Colonization of Africa. Africa reached its greatest relative wealth in the years just prior to decolonization. Since then many countries have yet to return to the levels of wealth they reached in the 1960s. Some see this as evidence that colonialism helped the local economies, while others argue that colonialism left a debilitating mark on African economies.
To achieve the relative wealth of the colonial period, imperial overseers geared the economies of Africa towards exporting raw materials. Thus Egypt became a vast producer of cotton, Ruanda-Urundi almost completely dedicated to growing coffee, and Upper Volta to the production of palm oil. Basing an entire nation's wealth on one commodity, however, would have debilitating effects in later years. These monocultures left national economies extremely vulnerable to price swings, making economic planning difficult. Some writers, such as Walter Rodney in his influential book How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, argue that these colonial policies are directly responsible for many of Africa's modern problems.
Other post-colonial scholars, most notably Frantz Fanon, have argued that the true effects of colonialism are psychological and that domination by a foreign power creates a lasting sense of inferiority and subjugation that creates a barrier to growth and innovation.
Europeans in the late 19th century also were infused with racism and social Darwinism. The elevation of the white race above blacks would have lasting repercussions in those lands that saw significant European immigration, most notably South Africa and Rhodesia. Even more damaging, in many cases, was the introduction of the idea that northern Hamites such as the Ethiopians and Tutsi were racially superior to other Africans. This division of society into rival ethnicities would have long-lasting negative effects, especially in Rwanda and Burundi.
While in some cases European rule was a protectorate, in those areas that became actual colonies one of the first acts was to ensure all the top members of society were Europeans; this not only meant the rulers but also the lawyers, doctors, and academics. In areas of Africa that had a significant educated native population, such as the Gold Coast and the Maghreb, the educated were looked upon with great suspicion by the colonial rulers as they were seen as likely nationalists and anti-imperialists. Many colonial regimes therefore did not put money or effort into creating a local elite. While they funded education, this was almost entirely primary education that taught basic skills such as literacy. Thus upon independence many African states saw an exodus of the European administrators and consequently lacked individuals with the training or education to operate the government they had inherited. For instance, the massive area of French Equatorial Africa was divided into four independent nations, but was home to only five locals who were university graduates.
One method of seeing if colonialism had an effect on the economies of Africa is to see if the very different colonial policies of the European powers have led to different results. It can quickly be seen that any region unlucky enough to be ruled by the raubwirtschaft of for example Leopold II in his Congo Free State has not prospered. The long reluctance of Portugal to surrender its colonies, leading to long wars of independence, has also had an obvious negative effect on Mozambique and Angola. By contrast the countries under French control are much better off, while those under British dominion were the most successful of all. However, this can be seen in a completely different manner. Britain, at the time of the Scramble for Africa, was the world's greatest power and could thus cherry-pick the wealthiest parts of the continent for itself. The French, who also had a mighty navy, could also occupy prosperous areas, while the Belgians were forced to take the interior, which was then already far poorer.
Using the same method one could compare Africa as a whole with other colonised regions such as Asia or South America. At the end of the second world war South America was economically the strongest of the colonised regions yet in the span of one generation, previously colonised regions of Asia have become economic powerhouses.
However, those states that preserved pre-colonial boundaries are no more successful than those that did not. Few countries in Africa have more troubled recent histories than Rwanda and Burundi, even though their borders are almost identical to those of the prosperous kingdoms from which they are descended. The ancient and only briefly colonized state of Ethiopia is one of the poorest on the continent, and ethnically unified Somalia has failed so completely that it no longer exists in any real sense.
Africa is also a much divided continent with many small countries. Any successful economic growth requires regional cooperation, sometimes difficult due to political tensions. This also means that to be effective foreign aid must be multilateral, making it far harder to base aid upon the performance of local governments.
The sheer diversity of much of Africa also hurts growth. There are a huge variety of languages existing across Africa. Seven of the ten most linguistically diverse countries in the world are African. In 1996, the most linguistically diverse country in Africa was the Central African Republic, which included 68 distinct language groups spread across a population of 3.4 million people, with only 350,000 people belonging to the major language group in the country—the Sango. Situations similar to this, where language groups are comparatively small and where a considerable plurality of languages exists, are common in Africa. Moreover, 68 language groups is not the highest total of living languages in an African nation; Africa's most populous country, Nigeria, possesses over 400 language groups, while Cameroon encompasses 279 language groups, the DRC 221, Tanzania 131, Chad 127, and still others have similarly high numbers.
An added difficulty is that in many states the primary language of government is the language of the former colonial powers—English, French, or Portuguese. Much of the political debate and discourse in Africa and Africa's institutions of learning is also conducted in these European languages. However the majority of people in the nation rarely speak these European languages fluently enough to be able to participate in political debate except via intermediaries. This creates a divide between the elites and the rest of the population.
Economists argue that one of the factors behind the differing economic development in Africa and Asia (both were at similar levels of income in the 1960s) is that in Africa, corruption has primarily taken the form of extraction of economic rent with the resulting financial capital moved overseas rather invested at home (hence the stereotypical, but sadly often accurate, image of African dictators having Swiss bank accounts). By contrast, Asian dictators such as Suharto have often taken a cut on everything (requiring bribes), but otherwise provided more of the conditions for development, through infrastructure investment, law and order, etc. University of Massachusetts researchers estimated that from 1970 to 1996, capital flight from 30 sub-Saharan countries totalled $187bn, exceeding those nations' external debts.* (The results, in terms of development (or lack of it), have been modelled in theory by economist Mancur Olson). In the case of Africa, one of the factors for this behaviour was political instability, and the fact that new governments often confiscated previous governments' corruptly-obtained assets. This encouraged officials to stash their wealth abroad, out of reach of any future expropriation.
The massive inequality generated by this corruption also hindered development, as the wealthy elite not only avoided investing at home, but also imported most of its consumption (as the desired luxury goods were generally not available at home). This hindered the development of national markets. Historically, economic development is closely linked with the creation of a middle class with enough income to save (and invest), but not substantially in control of the levers of the state. In countries where elites fail to nurture such a middle class, development is all but impossible (except the illusory and destructive development based on resource extraction, especially oil).
Much of this conflict was initially driven by the Cold War. The countries of the Western and Eastern blocs used foreign aid money as leverage to move countries into their camp. This foreign aid had a questionable effect on development: because large amounts of it were tied to the purchase of military weapons and the donor countries turned a blind eye to corruption and the misappropriation of the funds, corruption became endemic. Even worse, the cold war led to proxy conflicts in Africa as both blocs would fund and assist any rebellious or sectarian groups in a nation under the control of the opposing bloc.
Almost all developed countries have slashed foreign aid spending since the end of the Cold War and so one would expect a reduction in violence. However, violence has, if anything, increased. Civil wars have raged throughout the Great Lakes region, Somalia, Sudan, Mozambique, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Ivory Coast, and Guinea-Bissau. International wars have involved the Democratic Republic of the Congo and its neighbours (see the First and Second Congo Wars), and war broke out between Ethiopia and its former province Eritrea.
A less radical approach to foreign trade is the assumption that the protection of certain economic sectors in developed countries hampers Africa's growth. One of the most important of these protected industries is the agricultural sector. Many developing countries harvest large quantities of agricultural produce at low cost, yet generally do not export as much of these products as would be expected. Abundant farm subsidies and high import tariffs in the developed world, most notably in Japan, the European Union, and the United States are generally thought to be the cause. During the last (few) decade(s?) these subsidies and tariffs have been gradually reduced, though they are still fairly high.
Many of the causes of Africa's economic malaise are also its effects. These include the disease, warfare, misgovernment, and corruption that have all been discussed above.
The most direct consequence of the low GDP in the area is its low standard of living and quality of life. With the exception of elites throughout the continent and the wealthier areas of South Africa and the Maghreb, Africans have very few consumer goods. Quality of life does not correlate exactly with a nation's wealth. Angola, for instance, reaps large sums annually from its diamond and other mines, but after years of civil war, conditions there are still poor. Radios, televisions, and automobiles are all rare luxuries. Most Africans are on the far side of the Digital Divide and are cut off from communications technology and the Internet. Quality of life and human development are also low. African nations predominate in the lower reaches of the UN Human Development Index. Infant mortality is high, while life expectancy, literacy, and education are all low. The UN also lowers the ranking of African states as the continent sees greater inequality than any other region. The best educated also often choose to leave the continent for the West or the Persian Gulf to obtain a better life.
Especially deadly, however, are the periods of great shortages. The worst of these are the famines that have regularly hit the continent, especially the Horn of Africa. These have been caused by disruptions due to warfare, by several years of drought, and sometimes by plagues of locusts.
An average African faced annual inflation of over 60% from 1990 until 2002. This number is somewhat misleading as much of the inflation is accounted for by only a few countries. Angola and the Democratic Republic of the Congo both saw triple digit inflation throughout the period. Most African states saw inflation of around 10% per year.
There are no good numbers for unemployment in most African nations, but it is an important problem. This is especially true in the major cities like Lagos and Kinshasa that have large slums of the unemployed and underemployed.
Environmental degradation is also an important consequence. Farmers on the verge of starvation are unlikely to be concerned about the fate of the rainforest in their pursuit of new land, and starving people do not often consider the rarity of an animal before eating it (see bushmeat). Along the length of the Sahel, deforestation and overgrazing has caused increased desertification as the Sahara spreads south. The illegal poaching of rare animals or timber to be sold in the West and the killing of elephants for ivory is also attractive to the poor. Local governments have little money to devote to protecting the environment.
Often the approach of governments in Africa was to borrow heavily from abroad and use this aid to grow the economy to a level that the loans could be paid off. Sporadic growth during the years after independence continued. The countries focused on exports to pay for these development efforts. The 1973 energy crisis hit sub-Saharan Africa as hard as anywhere in the world. While some nations were net exporters, most were heavily reliant on imported fuels. Economies quickly began to falter and events such as famines hit Africa in the 1980s. The collapse of the Soviet Union, which had supported socialist and collectivist projects throughout the continent, undermined the legitimacy of such an approach, while it also meant that there were no longer any sources of international aid to help pursue this approach.
Thus in the 1980s, socialist ideas were discarded throughout almost the entire continent as free market capitalism became seen as the route to salvation in what became known as the Washington Consensus. By 1990, forty of the nations of Sub-Saharan Africa had agreed to follow rigorous IMF restructuring plans. IMF recommendations saw the continent's currencies drop by an average of 50%, the selling off of government-owned industries, and the slashing of government spending. After twenty years, however, these methods have seen as little success as the socialist approaches of the previous era. Average growth increased from 2.3% per annum to 2.8%. Only a handful of African states reached new levels of wealth, and many others became poorer over the course of the 1990s. Today there is a great deal of controversy on why this failed. One school of thought is that the reforms failed because they were only economic in nature and without democracy and the rule of law development cannot occur. However, another school of thought is that the liberal capitalism represented by the Washington Consensus was fundamentally flawed.
Yet another school of thought attributes some of Africa's problems to insufficient liberalization. It has been pointed out that while the developed world has insisted that Africa open its markets and eliminate public subsidies, this has been one-sided as the developed world has not opened its markets to agricultural goods from Africa nor has it eliminated agricultural subsidies. At the GATT free trade talks, the African leaders repeatedly request that the developed nations abolish the subsidies they provide their farmers and open their markets to African agricultural goods. It has been argued that the abolition of the subsidy would have three beneficial effects for the developing world and Africa:
Below is a list of the central banks and currencies of Africa.
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It uses material from the
"Economy of Africa".
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