Economic development is the development of the economic wealth of countries or regions for the well-being of their inhabitants. The study of economic development is known as development economics.
Economic development is a sustainable increase in living standards that implies increased per capita income, better education and health as well as environmental protection.
Public policy generally aims at continuous and sustained economic growth and expansion of national economies so that 'developing countries' become 'developed countries'. The economic development process supposes that legal and institutional adjustments are made to give incentives for innovation and for investments so as to develop an efficient production and distribution system for goods and services.
Economic development can be seen as a complex multi-dimensional concept involving improvements in human well-being – however defined.
Critics point out that GDP is a narrow measure of economic welfare that does not take account important non-economic aspects such as more leisure time, access to health & education, the environment, freedom, or social justice. Economic growth is a necessary but insufficient condition for economic development.
Professor Dudley Seers argues that development is about outcomes, that is development occurs with the reduction and elimination of poverty, inequality, and unemployment within a growing economy.
Professor Michael Todaro sees three objectives of development:
The UN has developed a widely accepted set of indices to measure development against a mix of composite indicators:
Development economics emerged as a branch of economics because economists after World War II become concerned about the low standard of living in so many countries of Latin America, Africa, and Asia. There are, however, important reservations in making development economics a branch of economics as opposed to the ultimate objective of the study of economics.
The first approaches to development economics assumed that the economies of the less developed countries (LDCs), were so different from the developed countries that basic economics could not explain the behavior of LDC economies. Such approaches produced some interesting and even elegant economic models, but these models failed to explain the patterns of no growth, slow growth, or growth and retrogression found in the LDCs.
Slowly the field swung back towards more acceptance that opportunity cost, supply and demand, and so on apply to the LDCs also. This cleared the ground for better approaches. Traditional economics, however, still couldn't reconcile the weak and failed growth patterns.
What was required to explain poor growth were macro and institutional factors beyond micro concepts of the firm, individual preferences, and endowments. Institutional analysis has been able to explain the poor growth patterns much better than the market failure theories did. However, there is no generally accepted institutional theory of economic development that a large share of development economists agree upon. There is not even agreement on how important institutional factors are.
Also see, Krugman (1994), who maintained that economic growth in East Asia was based on perspiration (use of more inputs) and not on inspiration (innovations) (Krugman, P., 1994 The Myth of Asia’s Miracle, Foreign Affairs, 73).
Even so, in our postindustrial economy, economic development, including in emerging countries is now more and more based on innovation and knowledge. Creating Porter's clusters is one of the strategies used. One well known example is Bangalore in India.
Here it is understood that the development process is triggered by the transfer of surplus labor in the traditional sector to the modern sector in which some significant economic activities have already begun. The modern sector entrepreneurs can continue to pay the transferred workers a subsistence wage because of the unlimited supply of labor from the traditional sector. The profits and hence investment in the modern sector will continue to rise and fuel further economic growth in the modern sector. This process will continue until the surplus labor in the traditional sector is used up, a situation in which the workers in the traditional sector would also be paid in accordance with their marginal product rather than subsistence wage.
The existence of surplus labor gives rise to continuous capital accumulation in the modern sector because (a) investment would not be eroded by rising wages as workers are continued to be paid subsistence wage, and (b) the average agricultural surplus (AAS) in the traditional sector will be channeled to the modern sector for even more supply of capital (e.g., new taxes imposed by the government or savings placed in banks by people in the traditional sector). In the LRF model, saving and investment are driving forces of economic development. This is in line with the Harrod-Domar model but in the context of less-developed countries. The importance of technological change would be reduced to enhancing productivity in the modern sector for even greater profitability and promoting productivity in the traditional sector so that more labor would be available for transfer.
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