The disputed status of Gibraltar exists because of a three hundred year old claim by Spain which is rejected by the United Kingdom and the Gibraltarians.
Spain lost control of Gibraltar in 1704 and ceded the territory under article X of the Treaty of Utrecht in perpetuity to the British Crown in 1713.
The Rock's two main political parties, the Gibraltar Social-Democrats (GSD) and the Gibraltar Socialist Labour Party (GSLP) are opposed to any transfer of sovereignty to Spain. Although Gibraltar is run on democratic principles, with freedom of speech, freedom of political movements and freedom of the press well-established, no political party or pressure group in Gibraltar supports union with Spain. However, an overwhelming majority of the population holds the view that better relations are desirable, and that the Spanish restrictions on telecommunications, cruise ships, aircraft, participation in sport etc. must be removed.
Despite this, Spain continues to claim sovereignty of Gibraltar.
Previous Spanish governments have insisted that the Gibraltar dispute is a purely bilateral matter and that the current Gibraltarians are mere settlers whose role and will are irrelevant. This vision underlay the UN resolutions driven by Spain on the decolonization of Gibraltar in the 1960s, which focused on the "interests" and not the "wishes" of the Gibraltarians. However, the strategy of ignoring the Gibraltar people has proven to be a dead-end for Spain.
In 2002 an agreement in principle on joint sovereignty over Gibraltar between the governments of United Kingdom and Spain was reached. There was a robust campaign to reject these proposals by the Government and people of Gibraltar, culminating in a referendum amongst Gibraltar's residents (99 per cent voting "No" at an 88 per cent turnout). Gibraltarians have further argued that one cannot claim to be acting in the "interests" of a population, while at the same time ignoring its wishes and democratic rights.
With the election of a moderate left-wing government in Spain (2004), Spanish officials noted that, even if Spain does not give up its claim to assume the sovereignty of Gibraltar, no advance could be achieved without taking into account the wishes of the Gibraltarians. The result of this new approach was the creation of a tri-partite forum with the participation of the Gibraltar government. Such movement was qualified by Spanish right-wing parties as a surrender. At the same time Gibraltarians consider that nothing of a positive nature has been seen in this "improvement in relations".
Nonetheless, the treaty stipulates that no overland trade between Gibraltar and Spain is to take place, except for emergency provisions in the case that Gibraltar is unable to be resupplied by sea. Another condition of the cession is that "no leave shall be given under any pretence whatsoever, either to Jews or Moors, to reside or have their dwellings in the said town of Gibraltar." This restriction was quickly ignored and for many years both Jews and Arabs have lived peacefully in Gibraltar. In a reversion clause, should the British Crown ever wish to relinquish Gibraltar, Spain was promised it will be offered to it first ("And in case it shall hereafter seem meet to the Crown of Great Britain to grant, sell or by any means to alienate therefrom the propriety of the said town of Gibraltar, it is hereby agreed and concluded that the preference of having the sale shall always be given to the Crown of Spain before any others").
As the UK and Spain are both members of the European Union, which is committed to free movement of goods and services, the UK government and Gibraltarians claim that this supersedes any 'restrictions' contemplated in 1704.
With the arrival of the democracy, such a "traditional" position seems to have been softened and aimed to some sort of temporal or permanent joint sovereignty (similar to the agreement announced between the Spanish and British governments in the Spring of 2002, which was eventually shelved after sustained and united opposition by the Gibraltarians).
The UK government and Gibraltarians state that the Spanish claims are baseless, pointing to the right to self-determination of all peoples, guaranteed and enshrined by the UN, according to the UN Charter (its article 1 states that The Purposes of the United Nations are to develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples) or to the same resolution [http://www.un.org/documents/ga/res/15/ares15.htm 1514 (XV). Specifically, section 2 (all peoples have the right to self-determination; by virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development). Furthermore, resolution 2231 (XXI) itself recalls and demands implementation of Resolution 1514(XV) (guaranteeing Gibraltar's right to self-determination) and therefore the Spanish claim for its territorial integrity (which would not be affected by Gibraltar's decolonisation) cannot displace or extinguish the rights of the people of Gibraltar under resolution 1514(XV) or under the Charter.
Furthermore, any additional right that Spain could claim by virtue of the "reversionary" clause contained in the Treaty of Utrecht, the UK government and Gibraltarians point out that article 103 of the UN Charter (In the event of a conflict between the obligations of the Members of the United Nations under the present Charter and their obligations under any other international agreement, their obligations under the present Charter shall prevail) overrules and annuls such a "reversionary clause".
Finally, they point out that there is in fact no principle in International Law or UN doctrine that can displace the inalienable right to self determination, and that the UN itself and the International Court of Justice have repeatedly stated that "in the process of decolonisation there is no alternative to the principle of self-determination". The Gibraltar Government has pointed out that since Gibraltar, as a colony, and therefore by definition not an integral part of any other state, Spain's territorial integrity cannot be affected by anything that occurs in Gibraltar, and the decolonisation of Gibraltar cannot affect the territorial integrity of a country of which it does not form part. It further points out that it is not possible to respect the "interests" of the people of Gibraltar, while at the same time ignoring their wishes, and their democratic rights. They consider it hypocritical for the Spanish Government to claim to respect democratic values while at the same time stating that the democratic wishes of 30,000 Gibraltarians are irrelevant. The Gibraltarian point of view can be extensively seen in the speech of Chief Minister Joe Bossano at the United Nations in 1994 .
The Gibraltar territory nowadays contains an 800-metre section of the isthmus that links the Rock with mainland.
Spain does not acknowledge British sovereignty over Gibraltar beyond the fortified perimeter of the town as that of 1704. The United Kingdom claims that its title to the southern part of the isthmus is based on continuous possession over a long period.
As well as the airport, there are two substantial housing estates, the sports stadium and a school built on this land, which is considered an integral part of the territory of Gibraltar.
By the first half of the 18th century the concept of the three-mile (5 km) wide sovereign territorial sea emerged, this was eventually adopted by most countries as the basis of marine jurisdiction, until the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea 1982, which entered into force in 1995, set a new standard of 12 nautical miles (22 km). Gibraltar's territorial waters currently extend up to 3 nautical miles (6 km), but could be extended if required — the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea set a standard of the latter distance for all of its signatories. However, the positions of Spain and the UK are opposite on this issue:
The dispute over territorial waters, which was rekindled over the fishing dispute seems likely to become more important with the discovery of a sunken British treasure ship in the area. Questions have been asked in the House of Commons, and answered as follows:
"Under international law, States are entitled, but not required, to extend their territorial sea up to a maximum breadth of 12 nautical miles. Where the coasts of two States are opposite or adjacent, the general rule is that neither is entitled, unless they agree otherwise, to extend its territorial sea beyond the median line. The UK Government considers that a limit of three nautical miles is sufficient in the case of Gibraltar."
The British civil service conducted a full review of their files to see whether Franco's claim had any foundation, and none was found.
The Spanish Government has also accused Gibraltarian motorboats of helping in tobacco smuggling. However, there is a law against fast launches, making it illegal to own them locally, or even to bring them into Gibraltar waters.
More recently, in a second referendum held in November 2002 by the Gibraltar government, 98.5% of the voters rejected any proposal to share sovereignty between the UK and Spain. (The wording of the question being "Do you approve of the principle that Britain and Spain should share sovereignty over Gibraltar?" result: 17,900 NO, 187 YES [http://www.electionguide.org/resultsum/gibraltar_sovereigntyref_02.htm).
For their part the Gibraltarians are seeking a more modern status and relationship with the United Kingdom reflecting the present level of self-government. A new constitution has been submitted for approval by the UK government, and there are ongoing talks. This proposal, called by the Gibraltarians a 'modernisation of the constitution', would convert Gibraltar to a more Channel Islands-like relationship with the UK, rather than the present colonial status. *
The inhabitants of the area saw this repair as a precedent of future repair operations in Gibraltar rather than the one-off emergency the British government has claimed (as of December 2005 no other nuclear submarine has been repaired in Gibraltar). On the other hand, the Gibraltar Government accused Spain of using this incident as an excuse to justify its 300 year old sovereignty claim to Gibraltar. Despite many protests, the Gibraltar Government allowed the work to be done after employing its own experts to confirm it could be undertaken safely. The submarine was in Gibraltar for a year before leaving, during which the repair was completed without incident.
Subsequently Spanish politicians have complained about every nuclear submarine visit to Gibraltar, and have tried unsuccessfully to get a reassurance that this would stop totally. There have been no further protests against nuclear submarines in Gibraltar. Commenting, the Gibraltar Government said :
Nuclear submarine visits to Gibraltar are a matter for UK and Gibraltar. Visits for operational or recreational purposes are welcome by the Gibraltar Government ... To our knowledge, it is not the position of the present Spanish Government or any previous Spanish Government, that it is opposed to visits by nuclear submarines. Statement on visit of HMS Trenchant
A visit by HRH The Princess Royal in June 2004, the brief return of HMS Tireless in July 2004, together with the tercentenary celebrations of the capture of the Rock were subjects of complaint by the Spanish government.
In the months that predated the referendum called by the Gibraltar government on the joint sovereignty agreement (July - Aug 2004) disagreements could be categorised as:
A new round of negotiations was proposed (October 2004) to discuss regional co-operation. In February 2005, the first talks took place on a tri-lateral basis at a meeting held in Malaga, and subsequently in Portugal and London. This is the first sign of formal recognition of the Gibraltar Government, and has been generally welcomed. The main issues of the talks seems to a new agreement on the airport and the pensions of the Spanish workers that worked in Gibraltar during the sixties. As at January 2006, there have been no tangible results, including no results on the technical issues of telephones, air and marine communications.
In February 2006, the talks would seem to have stalled with no agreement between the three parties.
Despite both Gibraltar and Spain being members of the EU, Spain continues to place restrictions on communications with Gibraltar, which affect telecommunications (see Gibraltar telecom dispute) and blocks any EU or international agreements, like the Hague Convention 1996 that mention the Gibraltar Airport. Under the Lisbon agreement of 1980:*
This was to include re-instatement of a ferry service from Algeciras, which (like normalisation of telecommunications) has never happened.
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It uses material from the
"Disputed status of Gibraltar".
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