The Combatant Status Review Tribunals were held by the United States Department of Defense between July 8, 2004 through March 29, 2005, for the purpose of confirming whether the detainees they had been holding in Guantanamo Bay detainment camps in Cuba had been correctly classified as enemy combatants.
Following the Hamdi v. Rumsfeld ruling (November 2004) the Bush administration has begun using Combatant Status Review Tribunals to determine the status of detainees. By doing so the obligation under Third Geneva Convention#Article 5 was to be addressed.
These hearings are a direct result of the determination by the Bush administration that detainees in the war in Afghanistan are not eligible for prisoner of war status according to the terms of Third Geneva Convention#Article 2.
The Geneva Conventions oblige belligerents to honor certain rights of civilians and prisoners of war. The Geneva Conventions require combatants to have fulfilled certain requirements in order to enjoy the rights of POW status. But they require belligerents to continue to grant the rights of POW status to those prisoners suspected of failing to fulfill the conditions that would afford them POW status, until the belligerent had convened a competent tribunal to make a determination as to their status. BREAKING NEWS ~ Judge stops Guantanamo proceedings as unlawful, The Jurist, November 8 2004 DOJ to appeal ruling on Gitmo military commissions The Jurist, November 9 2004 James Robertson, Hamdan v. Rumsfeld (.pdf), US District Court DC, November 8 2004 The Geneva Conventions expressly state that such a tribunal should be convened "if a doubt arises" as to a detainee's status.
Since the September 11, 2001 attacks, the Bush administration has suggested that those who do not meet this definition should be determined to be "unlawful combatant." Should there be doubt about whether persons have fulfilled the conditions that confer prisoner of war status, Third Geneva Convention#Article 5 states that their status may be determined by a "competent tribunal" and until such time they are to be treated as prisoners of war. Simplified, the Bush Administration's argument is that no doubt has arisen, because it is an impossibility for these combatants to ever meet the criteria.
If required, Geneva Conventions oblige belligerents to convene the competent tribunals in a timely fashion.
The interpretation of the Bush administration was that the Geneva Conventions obliged belligerents to convene a competent tribunal to review the combatant status of prisoners only when their status was in any doubt. Since the administration was sure that the prisoners did not qualify for POW status, there was no need for a review. However, other parties, such as the International Red Cross, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch maintain there is doubt, among scholars and between other nations as to the exact status, and therefore a "competent tribunal" should be held. The conventions are silent on the definition and mechanics of a "competent tribunal."
Various legal challenges were mounted on behalf of the detainees. Most of those legal challenges ruled against the policy, and when the Executive Branch's opportunities to appeal were exhausted they convened tribunals in early July of 2004.
Although the Geneva Conventions oblige belligerents to convene the tribunals in a timely fashion most of the Guantanamo Bay detainees had been held for over two and a half years. During that time they had not been able to communicate with their families, or have legal advice. They are, however, appointed a military "personal representative." This appointed military officer often is a military lawyer, although this is not required by any regulation.
Moazzam Begg's Tribunal was held on November 13 2004.
Begg did not claim POW status. Nevertheless, he submitted a list of witnesses, that included the International Committee of the Red Cross employee who had issued him his official Prisoner of War identity card. The President of the Tribunal, after consulting the legal advisers to the Tribunals, decided not to call the ICRC employee. She stated that even if this witness could prove that Begg had been classified as a POW this would be irrelevant. She stated that the role of the Tribunals was solely to determine whether a detainee was an "enemy combatant".
8500 Americans service members, mostly on unaccompanied tours, live at Guantanamo Bay. The US Naval Base at Guantanamo Bay http://www.nsgtmo.navy.mil/htmpgs/welcomabd.htm has been described as being like a small U.S. cityWarren Richey Detainees' future may hinge on Cuba lease Christian Science Monitor March 20, 2002 edition It has a number of structures where the tribunal could have convened.
In the event all the tribunals convened in a cramped trailer -- so small there was only room for three observers. During the tribunals the people normally in attendance were the three officers presiding over the tribunal, a clerk to keep a record, an officer delegated to be familiar with the detainees case, possibly the detainee and their translator, and possibly the three observers.
The tribunals themselves are modeled after and nearly identical to the procedures the military uses to make GCW Article 5 determinations--the AR 190.* Elsea, Jennifer K., Report for Congress, Congressional Research Service This is most likely because, in Hamdi v. Rumsfeld, a plurality of the Supreme Court suggested the Department of Defense empanel tribunals similar to the AR 190 to make factual status determinations. To quote Secretary of the Navy Gordon England,
The DoD kept the identity of the presiding officers confidential. The instructions the presiding officers used to guide their decisions was confidential. But it could be guessed at by examining some of their decisions.
Documents from several dozen of the Tribunals have been released through FOIA requests. In several of these Tribunals the Tribunal's President has explained to the detainee the presiding officers were seeing their documents for the first time. In several other Tribunals it is obvious that the president officers were already well aware of both the unclassified and classified documents prior to the Tribunal session.
The presiding officers were drawn from all the services. They were all Colonels or Lieutenant Colonel, or equivalent.
There was one tribunal that had to reform because the recorder did not have sufficient security clearance to present some of the classified evidence.
Each detainee's case file was the responsibility of a detainee's representative. Detainees were informed that the role of the representative was not to serve as their advocate. Nothing told to him was confidential. He had no obligation to present their case in the best light. If the detainee was not present during their tribunal, the representative would present their case without their co-operation.
Detainees who did attend their tribunals were generally given an opportunity, if they wished, to explain why they should not be considered an enemy combatant. However if they were given this opportunity they would have to guess why they were being held in the first place. Unlike prisoners in the criminal justice system, they were all being held without charge. The evidence against them was classified.
Detainees were not allowed to attend their own tribunals, unless they signed a long, complicated agreement wherein they agreed to waive rights. Half or more of the detainees declined to sign the agreement, without independent legal advice. American military spokesmen described this as the detainee deciding they did not want to participate in their review.
The DoD experienced ongoing confusion about the presence of observers. It now seems that portions of all the tribunals were supposed to be held in public -- public in the sense that representatives from a short list of reporters would be advised of the date of tribunals, and invited to attend. All of the first several dozen tribunals went unobserved apparently because the DoD had not figured out who was responsible for advising the reporters on the approved list, and issuing them an invitation. Overlooking the issuing of invitations remained an ongoing problem. The list of approved reporters was short. The procedure for getting to the tribunal's trailer was difficult, and many of the tribunals went unobserved.
The tribunals differed from proceedings under a criminal justice system in that:
The rules of evidence for the CSRT are, however, identical to the rules of evidence used in an AR 190 Article V determination. Namely, all evidence is weighed on a probative vs. reliability standard.
Murat Kurnaz was a young Turk who was born in, and had grown up, in Germany. When captured he was close to being granted German citizenship. He was taken off a tourist bus and arrested while on a trip to Pakistan -- not "on the battlefield".
The tribunal's determination was that there was enough evidence of Kurnaz had ties to terrorism that he should be held as an enemy combatant.
Through a bureaucratic slip-up Kurnaz's file was declassifed. During the brief window when it was declassified the Washington Post was able to review all the evidence against him and publish a summary. Carol D. Leonnig Panel Ignored Evidence on Detainee in the Washington Post March 27, 2005; Page A01 Joyce Hens Green, a Washington jurist, had been able to review both the classified and unclassified evidence. Green found that Kurnaz's file contained something like 100 pages of documents and reports explaining that German and American investigators could find no evidence whatsoever that Kurnaz had any ties to terrorism. Shortly before his tribunal an unsigned memo had been added to his file concluded he was an al Queda member. Green's comment on the memo was that it:
Eugene R. Fidell, a Washington-based expert in military law, said:
Most notably the flawed nature of the procedure can be seen in the following cases: Mustafa Ait Idir, Moazzam Begg,Murat Kurnaz, Feroz Abbasi, and Martin Mubanga.
Carol D. LeonnigPanel Ignored Evidence on Detainee Washington Post March 27, 2005; Page A01
A comment on the matter by legal experts states:
The Supreme Court expressly reserved this question (see footnote 61), instead deciding Hamdan v. Rumsfeld on other grounds.
The tribunal determined that thirty eight of the detainees had never been combatants, and never should have been held. Four of those thirty eight detainees have been released.
In the summer of 2004 Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld announced that the detainees would be given an annual review, similar to these status reviews, but with a slightly different mandate. While the reviews of late 2004 and early 2005 were to determine whether the detainees were illegal combatants, the annual reviews would determine if the detainee still represented a threat. These Administrative Review Boards were intended to mitigate the harshness of a potentially indefinite detention for detainees labeled enemy combatants.
In early 2004 four of the detainees were charged. Most of the differences between the tribunals, described above, and the proceeding of a trial under a fair justice system would have applied to these military commissions. The Commissions were to be presided over by five officers. Their identities too were to be have been kept confidential. The detainees were allowed legal counsel, but not legal counsel of their own choosing. However, their lawyers were allowed to mount challenges to the presiding officers, their qualifications, and the rules under which the commission would function.
Only one of the presiding officers had any legal experience. A more senior officer had overall oversight of the commissions; the rules allowed him to shut down a commission at any time without giving a reason.
Because of the lack of the legal challenges, the unfavorable scrutiny, and the poor prior planning, the military commissions were suspended by a federal judge. In July 2005, a court of appeals reinstated the tribunals. http://www.goupstate.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20050716/ZNYT02/507160358/1051/NEWS01 This refence was not available on 4 March 2006
Secretary Rumsfeld has said that even if the commission acquitted a detainee, being determined to have been innocent would still not mean the Department of Defense would release him. They could still keep him, for the rest of his life, without giving a reason. This follows from the Administration's position that the enemy combatants were to be treated under law of war norms; namely, that they may be lawfully detained until the cessation of hostilities. According the Secretary of the Navy Gordon England,
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"Combatant Status Review Tribunal".
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