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Charles James Haughey (Irish name Cathal Ó hEochaidh; 16 September, 1925 – 13 June, 2006) was the sixth Taoiseach of the Republic of Ireland. One of the most controversial of Irish politicians in the 20th century, Haughey served three terms as taoiseach; 1979 to 1981, March 1982 to December 1982 and 1987 to 1992. He was the fourth leader of Fianna Fáil from 1979 until 1992. He died of cancer which had spread through his body, having been originally diagnosed with prostate cancer a decade earlier.

Charles Haughey was first elected to Dáil Éireann as a TD for Dublin in 1957, and was re-elected at each election until 1992. Haughey also served as Minister for Health & Social Welfare (1977-1979), Minister for Finance (1966-1970), Minister for Agriculture (1964-1966) and Minister for Justice (1961-1964). He also served as a Parliamentary Secretary during the early years of his parliamentary career. Haughey is credited with transforming the economy in the late 1980s. However, revelations about his personal finances and lifestyle tarnished his reputation in recent years.

Charles Haughey, known variously as Charles J. Haughey or Charlie Haughey, achieved a number of firsts. He was

  • the first Fianna Fáil leader born since independence;
  • the first Fianna Fáil leader never to have served in a cabinet under the party's founder, Éamon de Valera, so marking a decisive generational change;
  • the first taoiseach to be born in Connacht;
  • the first Fianna Fáil leader to preside over a party defeat in an Irish presidential election;
  • the first Fianna Fáil leader to have faced a motion of no confidence in his leadership within the party; and
  • the first taoiseach to have been forced to resign by allegations of misconduct, namely that he had been aware of the illegal tapping of journalists' phones by his Minister for Justice in 1982.

Early life

Charles James Haughey was born in Castlebar, County Mayo. His father was an officer first in the Irish Republican Army during the Irish War of Independence, then in the army of the Irish Free State. Not long after Haughey's birth his father developed multiple sclerosis and had to retire from the army. The Haughey family then moved to Donnycarney, a mainly working-class northern suburb of Dublin.

Haughey was educated by the Christian Brothers at St. Joseph's, where one of his classmates was George Colley, the man who would later become his cabinet colleague and great rival in Fianna Fáil. He joined the Local Defence Force during The Emergency of 1939—1945 and considered a permanent career in the Army. Following his secondary education Haughey studied at University College Dublin, where he once lead a group of L.D.F. colleagues to tear down Union Jacks raised by protesters against Irish neutrality. He qualified as an accountant, and also attended King's Inns, where he qualified as a barrister. While at UCD Haughey became increasingly interested in politics and became an Auditor of the Commerce and Economics Society. He also met there with one of his future political rivals, Garret FitzGerald. FitzGerald's later wife, Joan O'Farrell, had at one stage dated Haughey.

After leaving university Haughey worked as an accountant with the firm Haughey, Boland & Company. He married Maureen Lemass, the daughter of the Fianna Fáil Minister and future Taoiseach, Seán F. Lemass, in 1951. He continued to serve with the Army Reserve through its transition to An F.C.Á. serving with the North Dublin Battalion, he was commissioned and eventually promoted to Lieutenant and commanding officer of the Donneycarney Platoon of the 7th Infantry Battalion, until he was forced to resign his commission on entering the Dáil in 1957.

Early political life

Haughey has become one of the most controversial of all Irish politicians. He started his political career as a local councillor before an embarrassing defeat in a by-election to Dáil Éireann. Undaunted he tried again and again and on the fourth attempt, in the 1957 General Election he was elected to the Dáil for the first time as a Fianna Fáil TD. Haughey was offered his first government position, that of Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Justice, Oscar Traynor, in 1960 by the government.Parliamentary Secretaries (prior to 1978) and Ministers of State since then, are selected and appointed by Government (cabinet), unlike Government ministers, who are selected by the Taoiseach and appointed by the President. It is unclear whether the choice was made by Lemass (his father-in-law and Taoiseach) or by the cabinet against the wishes of Lemass. Traynor had submitted a list of four names. The first, Sean Flanagan, had declined, while Lemass had rejected the other three. It was Lemass's task to formally inform Haughey that the Government wished to propose him for the post. He informed Haughey:
As Taoiseach it is my duty to offer you the post of parliamentary secretary, and as your father-in-law I am advising you not to take it.T. Ryle Dwyer, Short Fellow: A Biography of Charles J. Haughey (Marino, 1995) p.31.
Haughey ignored Lemass's advice and accepted the offer. Though nominally the junior minister to Oscar Traynor, his constituency colleague who bitterly resented his selection, he was to all intents and purposes the full minister; Traynor, one of de Valera's old ministers, was elderly and in poor health, and only nominally running the department. Haughey and Traynor clashed openly, with Haughey's ability and radical ideas upsetting the less talented and conservative minister. When Lemass eased Traynor out in 1961 it was Haughey, who had already had an impact in the post of junior minister, who took on the job of Minister for Justice.

Haughey came to epitomise the new style of politician — the "men in the mohair suits". He regularly socialised with other pioneering Cabinet colleagues such as Donagh O'Malley and Brian Lenihan. Haughey excelled in his post as Minister for Justice, initiating a scale of legislative reform that was unparalleled, before or since. He introduced important new legislation such as the Succession Act, which protected the inheritance rights of wives, and the Extradition Act. Haughey also reactivated the Special Criminal Court and helped to defeat the Irish Republican Army's Border Campaign. Haughey is universally regarded as the best Minister for Justice in Irish history, though his sudden move to become Minister for Agriculture meant that some of his initiatives came to be implemented in full by his able replacement, Brian Lenihan.

In 1962 Lemass's Minister for Agriculture, Paddy Smith, resigned over a policy dispute. To take media coverage away from the shock resignation, Lemass appointed the "star performer" in the government, Haughey, to the role. It worked: Smith's resignation was completely overshadowed, not least in criticism from the National Farmers Association of the appointment of a man who had lived most of his life in Dublin city, to head Irish agriculture.ibid. p.61.

Haughey became embroiled in a series of controversies with the NFA and another organisation, the Irish Creamery Milk Suppliers Association (ICMSA). 27 ICSMA picketers outside Leinster House, the national parliament, were arrested on the 27 April 1966 under the Offences Against the State Act, an Act usually reserved for use against terrorists. 78 were arrested the following day, and 80 a day later, as the dispute escalated. Eventually Haughey backed down, for reasons connected to the forthcoming presidential election (see below). Alone among his periods as a minister, his period in Agriculture was not viewed as a success.

The 1966 presidential campaign

As Agriculture Minister he did play a controversial role in the 1966 Irish presidential election. He had been appointed the Fianna Fáil campaign manager, chosen to run President de Valera's re-election campaign. His interventions proved highly controversial. Fine Gael chose a young TD and barrister, Tom O'Higgins to run against deV. Aware that de Valera's age (84) and almost total blindness might compare unfavourably to O'Higgins, whose campaigns drew comparisons with the equally youthful late United States president of Irish descent, John F. Kennedy, Haughey launched what was seen as a political stroke. He insisted that it was beneath the presidency to actively campaign, meaning that President de Valera would have a low profile. Therefore in the interests of fairness the media should also give O'Higgins a low profile, ignoring his speeches and publicity stunts. While the print media declined to do as Haughey suggested, the state-run Telifís Éireann (later called RTÉ), itself in its infancy and facing criticism from Lemass's government for being too radical in other areas, agreed and largely ignored the O'Higgins campaign. In reality President de Valera got a high media profile from a different source, the 50th Anniversary commemoration of the Easter Rising, of which he was the most senior survivor. While O'Higgins's campaign was ignored, the President appeared in the Telifís Éireann coverage of the Rising events night after night. To add further to de Valera's campaign, Haughey as Agriculture Minister arranged for milk price increases to be given to farmers on the eve of polling.

In theory the strokes should have ensured an easy de Valera victory. Instead, to the shock of all (including many in Fine Gael) O'Higgins came within less than 1% of winning. (One extra vote in each ballot box would have won him the presidency.) The President only scraped re-election by ten thousand votes out of a total of nearly one million. De Valera personally developed a highly negative view of Haughey, whom he came to distrust. In 1970 he told Haughey rival Desmond O'Malley that Haughey would "destroy" Fianna Fáil.

In 1966 the Taoiseach, Seán F. Lemass, retired as such and as leader of Fianna Fáil. Haughey immediately threw his hat into the ring in a bid to succeed his father-in-law in the upcoming leadership election. George Colley and Neil Blaney did likewise. In spite of these very able candidates the party in general wasn't satisfied with the choice they were being offered. Some party elders, including Lemass himself, encouraged his Minister for Finance, Jack Lynch, to contest the party leadership. Lemass also encouraged Haughey and Blaney to withdraw in favour of Lynch, however Colley remained in the race. He was easily defeated by Lynch and a Cabinet reshuffle took place. Haughey was bitter about withdrawing from the leadership contest, however he was appointed Minister for Finance, the second most important position in the government. With his accountancy background, his interest in economic affairs and his driving vision the job suited him ideally. Again, Haughey showed a radical, reforming streak. Small scale initiatives caught the public imagination. He presided over an economic boom which saw him increase public spending in his four budgets (1967 - 1969), introduce free travel on CIE transport for pensioners, subsidise electricity for old age pensioners, and grant special tax concessions for the disabled and tax exemptions for artists.

Arms crisis

The late 1960s saw the old tensions boil over into an eruption of violence in Northern Ireland. Haughey was generally seen as coming from the pragmatist wing of the party, and was not believed to have strong opinions on the matter, despite having family links with Londonderry. Indeed many presumed that he had a strong apathy to physical force Irish republicanism; during his period as Minister for Justice he had followed a tough anti-IRA line, including using internment without trial against the IRA. The hawks in the cabinet were seen as Kevin Boland and Neil Blaney, both sons of founding fathers in the party with strong Old IRA pasts. Blaney was a TD for Donegal. They were opposed by those described as the "doves" of the cabinet; Tánaiste Erskine Childers, George Colley, Brian Lenihan and Patrick Hillery. A fund of £100,000 was set up to give to the Nationalist people in the form of aid. Haughey as Finance Minister would have a central role in the management of this fund.

There was general surprise when, in an incident known as the Arms Crisis, Haughey, along with Blaney, was sacked from Lynch's cabinet amid allegations of the use of the funds to import arms for use by the IRA. (Boland resigned in sympathy, while the alcoholic Micheál Ó Móráin was dismissed one day earlier in a preemptive strike to ensure a strong Minister for Justice was in place when the crisis broke. Lynch chose government chief whip Desmond O'Malley for the role.) Haughey and Blaney were subsequently tried in court along with an army Officer, Cpt. James Kelly, and Albert Luykx, a Belgian businessman who allegedly used his contacts to buy the arms. Although cleared of wrong-doing, it looked as if Haughey's political career was finished. Blaney and Boland left Fianna Fáil but Haughey remained. He knew that he would never achieve the top job of Taoiseach if he left, and so he remained a backbencher for some time and remained loyal to the party but not to its leader.

Political return

In 1975 Fianna Fáil was in opposition and Haughey had achieved enough political power to warrant a recall to Jack Lynch's Front Bench. At the time Lynch was harshly criticised in the media for this, however, there was little else he could do. Haughey was appointed Spokesman on Health & Social Welfare, a fairly minor portfolio at the time, but it was a launching platform for Haughey's grab for power. Two years later in 1977 Fianna Fáil returned to power with a massive parliamentary majority in Dáil Éireann. Haughey returned to the Cabinet after an absence of seven years as Minister for Health & Social Welfare.

One of the most controversial events during his tenure was the Family Planning Bill, that allowed married people to buy contraceptives with a prescription, calling it "an Irish solution to an Irish problem".

It was also during this period that Lynch began to lose his grasp on the party, the economy faltered and questions were raised about who would succeed him. As well as this a group of backbench TDs began to lobby other TDs in support of Haughey. This group, known as the "gang of five," consisted of Jackie Fahey, Tom McEllistrim, Jr, Seán Doherty, Mark Killilea and Albert Reynolds.

In December 1979 Lynch announced his resignation as Taoiseach and leader of Fianna Fáil. The leadership contest that resulted was a two-horse race between Haughey and the Tánaiste, George Colley. Colley had the support of the entire Cabinet, with the exception of Michael O'Kennedy, and felt that this popularity would be reflected within the parliamentary party as a whole.

Haughey on the other hand was distrusted by a number of his Cabinet colleagues but was much more respected by new backbenchers who were worried about the safety of their Dáil seats. When the vote was taken Haughey emerged as the victor by a margin of 44 votes to 38, a very clear division within the party. In a conciliatory gesture, Colley was re-appointed as Tánaiste and had a veto over who Haughey would appoint as Ministers for Justice and Defence respectively. However, he was removed from the important position of Minister for Finance.

Nonetheless, on 11 December, 1979, Charles Haughey was elected Taoiseach and leader of Fianna Fáil, almost a decade after the Arms Crisis nearly destroyed his political career.

Taoiseach 1979-1981

When Haughey came to power, the country was sinking into a deep economic crisis. Haughey effectively acted as his own Minister for Finance, enforcing his own views over the views of the actual minister. One of his first functions as Taoiseach was a speech to the nation on 9 January, 1980, in which he outlined the bleak economic picture:

...I wish to talk to you this evening about the state of the nation's affairs and the picture I have to paint is not, unfortunately, a very cheerful one. The figures which are just now becoming available to us show one thing very clearly. As a community we are living way beyond our means...we have been living at a rate which is simply not justifiable by the amount of goods and services we are producing. To make up the difference we have been borrowing enormous amounts of money, borrowing at a rate which just cannot continue. A few simple figures will make this very clear...we will just have to reorganise government spending so that we can only undertake those things we can afford...

While Haughey had identified the problem with the economy he did the exact opposite of what he said he would do. He increased public spending, which soon became out of control, and led to increases in borrowing and taxation at an unacceptable level. By 1981 Haughey was still reasonably popular and decided to call a general election. However, the timing of the election was thwarted twice by external events, in particular the hunger strikes of IRA men for political status. The poll was eventually held in June, much later than Haughey wanted. In the hope of winning an overall Dáil majority Haughey's campaign took a populist line with regard to taxation, spending and Northern Ireland. The campaign was enhanced and hyped up by a live debate on RTÉ between Haughey and the Fine Gael leader, Garret FitzGerald, over the major issues. On the day of the vote Fianna Fáil won 45.5%. Failing to secure a majority in the 166-seat Dáil a Fine Gael-Labour Party coalition came to power under FitzGerald and Haughey went into opposition.

It recently came to light that the Allied Irish Bank forgave Haughey £400,000 of a £1,000,000 debt within days of his becoming Taoiseach. No reason was given for this. The Economist obituary on Haughey( June 24, 2006) asserted that he had warned the bank "I can be a very troublesome adversary"

Opposition 1981-1982

FitzGerald's government lasted until January of 1982 when it collapsed due to a controversial budget which proposed to impose a tax on children's shoes. FitzGerald, like all Taoisigh who lose a majority in the Dáil, went to Áras an Uachtaráin to advise President Hillery to dissolve the Dáil and call a general election. However, the night the government collapsed the Fianna Fáil Front Bench issued a statement encouraging the President not to grant the dissolution and to allow Fianna Fáil to form a government. Phone calls were also made to the President from the Fianna Fáil room at Leinster House, something which proved to be hugely controversial because the dissolution of the Dáil is something the President can grant only after consultation with the Taoiseach, certainly not with the opposition parties. In the end, dissolution of the Dáil was granted and a general election was called. The result was inconclusive again, with Fianna Fáil failing to win a majority.

Taoiseach 1982

When Haughey failed to win an overall majority again, questions were raised about his leadership. Some of Haughey's critics in the party suggested that an alternative candidate should stand as the party's nominee for Taoiseach. Desmond O'Malley emerged as the likely alternative candidate and was ready to challenge Haughey for the leadership. However, on the day of the vote O'Malley withdrew and Haughey went forward as the nominee. He engineered a deal with the Socialist TD, Tony Gregory, and three Workers' Party TDs which saw him return as Taoiseach for a second time.

Haughey's second term was dominated by even more economic mismanagement, pursued on the populist line yet again. The issue of his leadership cropped up again when in October the backbench TD, Charlie McCreevy, put down a motion of no-confidence in Haughey. Des O'Malley disagreed with the timing but supported the hasty motion all the same, resigning from the cabinet also. The motion was defeated in an open roll call vote when only 22 anti-Haughey TDs voted against their leader. Not long after this, Haughey's government collapsed when the Workers' Party and Tony Gregory withdrew their support of the government over a document called "The Way Forward," a harsh document which would lead to massive spending cuts. Fianna Fáil lost the election and FitzGerald once again returned as Taoiseach with a comfortable Dáil majority. Haughey found himself back in opposition.

During this time the GUBU Incidents, involving the Attorney General to his Government, occurred in Dublin. At a press-conference on the affair, Haughey described them as "grotesque, unbelievable, bizarre and unprecedented" from which journalist Conor Cruise O'Brien coined the term GUBU.

Opposition 1982-1987

Haughey's leadership came under scrutiny for a third time when a report linked Haughey with the phone tappings of political journalists. In spite of huge pressure Haughey refused to resign and survived yet another vote of no-confidence in early 1983, albeit with a smaller majority. (Haughey's success was partly due to the death of the Fianna Fáil TD, Clement Coughlan, which caused the momentum in the anti-Haughey faction to drop considerably). Having failed three times to oust Haughey, most of his critics gave up and returned to normal politics.

Des O'Malley on the other hand continued the struggle. He was expelled from the parliamentary party in 1984 when he criticised Haughey over his reversal on the New Ireland Forum report. In February 1985, O'Malley was finally expelled from the organisation for refusing to vote with Fianna Fáil against the government's Family Planning Bill. With George Colley dead, O'Malley drummed out of the party, and all other critics silenced, Haughey was finally in full control of Fianna Fáil.

In November 1985 the Anglo-Irish Agreement was signed between Garret FitzGerald and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. The agreement gave the Republic of Ireland a formal say in Northern Ireland and its affairs. The document was harshly criticised by Haughey, who said that he would re-negotiate it, if re-elected. Fianna Fáil was also hit hard when O'Malley set up his own political party, the Progressive Democrats, in December of 1985. Some members of Fianna Fáil left to join and it looked as if it could take some core support away from Haughey and Fianna Fáil. However, Mary Harney and Bobby Molloy were the only Fianna Fáil TDs to defect and Fianna Fáil returned to normal, united behind Haughey.

FitzGerald called a general election for February 1987. The campaign was dominated by attacks on the government over severe cuts in the budget and the general mismanagement of the economy. When the results were counted Haughey had failed to win an overall majority again for Fianna Fáil. When it came to electing a Taoiseach in the Dáil Haughey's position looked particularly volatile. When it came to a vote the Independent TD Tony Gregory abstained, and Haughey was elected Taoiseach on the casting vote of the Ceann Comhairle.

Taoiseach 1987-1992

Haughey now headed a minority Fianna Fáil government. Fine Gael took the unprecedented move of supporting the government and voting for it when it came to introducing tough economic policies. The government introduced budget cuts in all departments, and ironically, the cuts were much more severe than when FitzGerald was in power. The actions that were taken by Haughey's government in this period certainly transformed the economy. One of the major schemes put forward, and one which would have enormous economic benefits for the country, was the establishment of the International Financial Services Centre (IFSC) in Dublin.

In late April 1989 Haughey returned from a trip to Japan. However, he returned to the news that the government was about to be defeated in a Dáil vote, which would result in Haughey calling a general election. The government was indeed defeated and Haughey, buoyed up by opinion polls which indicated the possibility of winning an overall majority, called a general election for June 15. The calling of the election was one of Haughey's biggest political mistakes. Fianna Fáil ended up losing four seats and the possibility of forming another minority government looked slim. For the first time in history a nominee for Taoiseach failed to achieve a majority when a vote was taken in the Dáil. Constitutionally Haughey was obliged to resign, however he refused to, for a short period. He eventually tendered his resignation to President Hillery and remained on as Taoiseach, albeit in an acting capacity. A full 27 days after the election had taken place a coalition government was formed between Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats. It was the first time that Fianna Fáil had entered into a coalition, abandoning one of its "core values" in the overwhelming need to form a government.

Haughey was glad to see the end of 1989, however 1990 was to hold more trouble for him. The first half of the year saw Haughey revel in his role as world statesman when he served as President of the European Community, however the Presidential Election proved to be a major headache for Haughey and Fianna Fáil. Brian Lenihan, the hugely popular Tánaiste, was nominated as the party's candidate. However, during the campaign the controversy over the phone calls made to the Áras an Uachtaráin in 1982 urging the President not to dissolve the Dáil resurfaced. Lenihan was accused of calling the President and Haughey was forced to sack him from the government in order to save his own position. Worse was to come when Lenihan failed to be elected President, losing the Fianna Fáil stranglehold on the highest office in Ireland.

In April 1990, Haughey became the first Taoiseach since Lemass to visit Belfast, where he gave a speech to the Institute of Directors. Unsurprisingly, four hundred unionists picketed the conference.

Haughey's grip on political power began to slip in the autumn of 1991. A series of resignations by chairmen of semi-state companies and an open declaration by the Minister for Finance, Albert Reynolds, that he had every intention of standing for the party leadership if Haughey retired. Following a heated parliamentary party meeting, Seán Power, one of Reynolds's supporters put down a motion of no-confidence in Haughey. Reynolds and his supporters were sacked from the government by Haughey, who went on to win the no confidence motion.

Haughey's victory was short-lived, as a series of political errors would lead to his demise as Taoiseach. Controversy erupted over the attempted appointment of Jim McDaid as Minister for Defence, which saw him resign from the post before he had been officially installed. Worse was to follow when Seán Doherty, the man who as Minister for Justice had taken the blame for the phone-tapping scandal of the early 1980s, went on RTÉ television and said that Haughey had known and authorised the phone-tapping. Haughey denied this, but the Progressive Democrats members of the government stated that they could no longer continue in government with Haughey as Taoiseach. Haughey told Des O'Malley, the PD leader, that he intended to retire shortly but wanted to choose his own time of departure. O'Malley agreed to this and the government continued.

On 30 January, 1992, Haughey officially retired as leader of Fianna Fáil at the parliamentary party meeting. He remained as Taoiseach until 11 February when he was succeeded by the sacked Finance Minister, Albert Reynolds. In his final address to the Dáil he quoted William Butler Yeats and Othello saying, "I have done the state some service, and they know it, no more of that." Haughey now returned to the backbenches before retiring completely from politics at the 1992 General Election. His son, Seán Haughey, was elected at that election in his father's old constituency.

Retirement

Despite his professed desire to fade from public attention, retirement was anything but smooth for the former Taoiseach. A series of political, financial and personal scandals have tarnished his image and reputation in recent years. In the late 1990s the public were shocked to hear revelations about his extravagant private life. At the Moriarty Tribunal it was revealed that Haughey received more than £8 million over an 18-year period from various benefactors and businessmen. One payment alone of £1.3 million came from the entrepreneur Ben Dunne. Haughey was severely ridiculed when he was found to have spent large sums of Fianna Fáil party money on Charvet shirts and expensive dinners in a top Dublin restaurant, while preaching belt tightening and implementing budget cuts as a national policy. While giving evidence at the tribunal, Haughey faced criminal charges for obstructing the work of the tribunal, and also faced an angry crowd at Dublin Castle where his wrongdoings came to light.

In May 1989 one of Haughey's lifelong friends Brian Lenihan, a former government minister, underwent a liver transplant which was partly paid for through fundraising by Haughey. It was alleged by the investigating tribunals that some of the money raised ended up in Haughey's personal bank account. It is notable that Brian Lenihan's son, Conor, has spoken out a number of times in support of Haughey (including most recently on 16th June 2006 at Haughey's funeral which was broadcast on national television).

In May 1999, Terry Keane, gossip columnist and once wife of former Chief Justice, Ronan Keane, revealed on a national TV chat-show, The Late Late Show, that she and Haughey had conducted a 27-year extra-marital affair. In a move that she later announced on the same show that she deeply regretted, Keane confirmed that the man she had been referring to for years in her newspaper column as "sweetie" was indeed Haughey. The revelation on the television programme shocked the audience, including Haughey's son, Sean, who was watching the show. Haughey's wife, Maureen was also said to have been deeply hurt by the circumstances of the revelation.

In May 2003 Haughey, who had been diagnosed with advanced prostate cancer in 1995, suffered a serious decline in health and was hospitalised. Family members rushed to Haughey's bedside, but his condition improved again.

In August, 2003 it was revealed that Haughey, facing demands to pay millions of euro in taxation arrears on undeclared gifts, decided to sell his large estate, Abbeville, in Kinsealy in north County Dublin. It was reported that the deal would net Haughey €35 million before tax. The developers who purchased the site plan to turn his home into a hotel and build houses on the surrounding agricultural land, however this plan has run into planning difficulties. At the time of his death, Haughey, continued to own his own private island, Inishvickillane, one of the famed Blasket Islands.

Even in death, Haughey remains a controversial figure and his legacy is very difficult to assess. Although he is considered one of the most efficient and effective cabinet ministers in the history of the state, his murky financial affairs and political misdemeanours have undermined his reputation and undoubted talents.

His rival and former Taoiseach, Garret FitzGerald, who one time, described Haughey as having a flawed pedigree, has said that he had the potential to be one of the best Taoisigh the country ever had, however, his preoccupation with wealth and power clouded his judgement. His budget cutting measures after 1987 transformed the economy and paved the way for an unprecedented decade of economic boom and the Celtic Tiger era of the late 1990s.

The people of Dingle, County Kerry, retain a strong affection for him as does the Arts community in Ireland, whose cause he has championed over the years since he gave them a tax-break in recognition of their creativity. People in other niche areas of Irish life also speak very highly of him such as the 'pensioner' sector and people in the burgeoning equine industry.

However, it must also be said that an entire generation has since come of age for whom Haughey, if known at all, would be merely as a figure of history or at worst, oblivion.

It is, however, unlikely that Haughey will become to a "mere" figure or consigned to oblivion by a new generation of people who weren't born during his time at the forefront of Irish politics. His legacy both good and bad is so woven into the fabric of Irish society that he will still be known and discussed as are the deeds of the political leaders of the past such as Éamon de Valera, Michael Collins and Sean Lemass.

Tribunal

After his retirement from active politics, allegations were made about illegal and/or undisclosed payments to several Irish politicians, including Haughey. The Moriarty Tribunal was formally established by Taoiseach Bertie Ahern to establish the nature and source of payments made to Charles Haughey and Michael Lowry of Fine Gael between January 1979 and December 1996. The tribunal has so far uncovered payments totalling more than £8 million to Haughey, including one payment of £1.3 million from the businessman Ben Dunne. The tribunal recently heard from the Revenue Commissioners that Haughey paid £3.94 million (€5 million) in settlement of an estimated tax bill of £5.5 million (€6.98 million) from Haughey in 2003. He also told the tribunal he had received no gifts of money since 1997 and was living on borrowings from a building society.

On several occasions, Haughey was unable to appear before the Tribunal "due to ill health".

Despite the lengthy Tribunal process it must be noted that although it was proven that Mr Haughey had received up to €9 million from businessmen throughout his political life, no evidence of corruption was found.

No evidence could be unearthed that this money had led to personal favours being granted, meaning that Haughey’s only crime was evasion of taxes for the funds he received. In noting this, however, it is important to bear in mind that Haughey refused to cooperate with the tribunal on several occasions and that the tribunals have not yet concluded their investigations. Having said that, his ailing health meant that on serveal occasions Haughey couldn't answer or defend himself. Whether this is judged as deliberate obstruction or the cause of failing health is for the public to decide for themselves. Many have indeed noted that some of his absences due to professed ill health failed to prevent him making other public appearances or conducting other business affairs.*

Charles J Haughey often cited Winston Churchill when asked about his money. Churchill was bankrolled by British aristocrats during his political life. However while Churchill, when receiving money in the 1930s was perceived to be a "finished" politician with no likelihood of senior ministry, much less the premiership, Haughey's opponents point out that Haughey when receiving the money was either the Leader of the Opposition or Taoiseach. It is, however, an interesting and not altogeher unfair comparison.

Death

In June 2006, it was reported that Haughey was gravely ill as a result of the prostate cancer which he had been fighting for some years, and that his family had gathered at his home. He was not expected to be transferred to hospital, and the Irish Independent reported that potential eulogists had been contacted. It also reported arrangements had been made for a state funeral, with a requiem mass in Donnycarney. His condition worsened and he died on June 13, 2006, at 9:50 AM at his home in Kinsealy in North County Dublin with his family at his bedside.

Current Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, announced the former leader's death. He said: "I have learned with great sadness of the death today of the former Taoiseach and leader of Fianna Fail, Mr Charles Haughey. It is a very sad occasion, and marks the passing of an era." Mr Ahern also said of Mr Haughey that "history will have to weigh up the credit and the debit side of more dispassionately than may be possible today but I have not doubt its ultimate judgement on Mr. Haughy will be a positive one".

Shortly after the death of Mr Haughey was announced former Taoiseach Garret Fitzgerald said "He was a man of great administrative ability and formidable political skills", while the Archbishop of Dublin Diarmuid Martin extended his sympathy to Mr Haughey's family and said "Mr Haughey was a man who engaged the people of Ireland over the last 40 years on the public stage". While President of Ireland Mary McAleese said "A proud man of considerable ability, charm, wit and intelligence, he was a skilled parliamentarian and an innovative legislator."

The journalist Vincent Browne, a long time foe and sometimes friend of Haughey, described him as a colossus of Irish politics and ranking in importance in Irish political history as Éamon de Valera and Michael Collins. Journalist John Bowman said of him that if greatness can be measured by impact on society or politics then great he was.

Funeral

Mr Haughey received a state funeral on June 16, 2006. He was buried in St. Fintan's Cemetery, Sutton in County Dublin following mass at Donnycarney.

The obsequy was screened live on RTÉ One, the main television channel of Ireland's state broadcaster. It was attended by President Mary McAleese, the Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, members of the government and Oireachtas, many from the world of politics, industry and the professions, past and present, as well as the former constituents and political supporters of the former leader. The mass was celebrated in both English and Irish. The chief celebrant was Charles Haughey's brother, Father Eoghan Haughey. He said that his departed brother was "small in stature, massive in achievement, larger than life". A much larger crowd was expected at the state funeral and indeed has been said by some parts of the media that RTE showed camera shot angles which did not show the church was far from full for the service.

The Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, in a graveside oration, stated that "history's judgement will be positive" and that Charles Haughey was a patriot. "I saw him at first-hand". He was a consummate politician. He exhibited grace under pressure. He had an incisive mind, superb parliamentary skills, a proud identity with Ireland, all of Ireland. A profound respect in victory and defeat for our democratic institutions".

The national flag, which had draped Haughey's coffin throughout the obsequy, was formally presented to his widow, Maureen Haughey just prior to interment.

Haughey's first government, December 1979-June 1981

Political Changes (1)

Haughey's second government, March 1982-December 1982

Political Changes (2)

Haughey's third government, March 1987-May 1989

Political Changes (3)

  • 19 March, 1987: The functions of the Minister for the Public Service are transferred to the Minister for Finance.
  • 20 March, 1987: The title of the Department of Public Service changes to the Department of Tourism & Transport. Ray MacSharry effectively takes on the Tourism & Transport portfolio. On the same day the title of the Department of Tourism, Fisheries & Forestry changes to the Department of the Marine
  • 31 March, 1987: John P. Wilson becomes the new Minister for Tourism & Transport. Ray Burke takes over the Communications portfolio. On the same day the title of the Department of Agriculture changes to the Department of Agriculture & Food.
  • 24 November, 1988: Albert Reynolds becomes the new Minister for Finance following Ray MacSharry's departure from the government. Ray Burke takes over as Minister for Industry & Commerce. Michael Smith joins the government as Minister for Energy.

Haughey's fourth government, May 1989-February 1992

Political Changes (4)

Notes

Sources

  • Frank Dunlop, Yes Taoiseach: Irish politics from behind closed doors (Penguin Ireland, 2004)
  • T. Ryle Dwyer, Short Fellow: A Biography of Charles J. Haughey (Marino, 1994)
  • --- Nice Fellow: A Biography of Jack Lynch (Marino, 2004)
  • Brian Lenihan, For the Record (Blackwater, 1991)
  • P.J. Mara, The Spirit of the Nation. (Fianna Fáil)
  • Raymond Smith, Garret: The Enigma (Aherlow, 1986)

Political career

See also


1925 births | 2006 deaths | cancer deaths | deaths by prostate cancer | Irish Ministers for Finance | Leaders of Fianna Fáil | Roman Catholic politicians | Taoisigh of Ireland | Former Teachtaí Dála | Members of the 16th Dáil | Members of the 17th Dáil | Members of the 18th Dáil | Members of the 19th Dáil | Members of the 20th Dáil | Members of the 21st Dáil | Members of the 22nd Dáil | Members of the 23rd Dáil | Members of the 24th Dáil | Members of the 25th Dáil | Members of the 26th Dáil | Natives of County Mayo

Charles Haughey | Charles J. Haughey | Charles Haughey | Charles James Haughey | Cathal Ó hEochaidh | Charles Haughey | Charles Haughey | チャールズ・ホーヒー | Charles J. Haughey | Charles Haughey | Charles Haughey

 

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