Sir Bernard Arthur Owen Williams (September 21, 1929 – June 10, 2003) was an English moral philosopher, noted by The Times as the "most brilliant and most important British moral philosopher of his time." Obituary, "Professor Sir Bernard Williams," The Times, June 14, 2003
Williams spent over 50 years seeking answers to one question: What does it mean to live well? This was a question few analytic philosophers had explored, preferring instead to focus on the issue of moral obligation. For Williams, moral obligation, insofar as the phrase had any meaning, had to be compatible with the pursuit of self-interest and the good life.
As Knightbridge Professor of Philosophy at the University of Cambridge for over a decade, and the Provost of King's College, Cambridge for almost as long, Obituary, no byline, Professor Sir Bernard Williams The Daily Telegraph, June 14, 2003 Williams became known internationally for his attempt to return the study of moral philosophy to its foundations: to history and culture, politics and psychology, and, in particular, to the Greeks. Described as an "analytic philosopher with the soul of a humanist," McGinn, Colin, "Isn't It the Truth?" The New York Review of Books, April 10, 2003. he saw himself as a synthesist, drawing together ideas from fields that seemed increasingly unable to communicate effectively with one another. He rejected scientific and evolutionary reductionism, once calling reductionists "the ones I really do dislike" because they are morally unimaginative, he said. Baker, Kenneth, Bernard Williams: "Carrying the torch for truth", an interview with Bernard Williams, San Francisco Chronicle, September 22, 2002. For Williams, complexity was beautiful, meaningful, and irreducible.
He became known as a great supporter of women in academia, Nussbaum, Martha, "Tragedy and Justice", Boston Review, October/November 2003 seeing in women the possibility of that synthesis of reason and emotion that he felt eluded analytic philosophy. The American philosopher Martha Nussbaum said Williams was "as close to being a feminist as a powerful man of his generation could be."
He met his future wife, Shirley Brittain-Catlin, the daughter of political scientist and philosopher George Catlin and novelist Vera Brittain, while he was on leave in New York, where she was studying at Columbia University. At the age of 22, after winning a Prize Fellowship at All Souls College, Oxford, Williams returned to England with Shirley to take up the post – though not before she'd had an affair with four-minute-miler Roger Bannister * – and they were married in 1955. Shirley Williams, as she became known, was elected as a Labour Member of Parliament, then crossed the floor as one of the "Gang of Four" to become a founding member of the SDP, a centrist breakaway party. She was later ennobled, becoming Baroness Williams of Crosby, and remains a prominent member of the Liberal Democrats.
Williams left Oxford to accommodate his wife's rising political ambitions, finding a post first at University College London and then at Bedford College, while his wife worked as a journalist for the Financial Times. For 17 years, the couple lived in a large house in Kensington with the literary agent Hilary Rubinstein and his wife. During this time, described by Williams as one of the happiest of his life, * the marriage produced a daughter, Rebecca, but the development of his wife's political career kept the couple apart, and the marked difference in their personal values – Williams was a confirmed atheist, his wife a devout Catholic – placed a strain on their relationship, which reached breaking point when Williams had an affair with Patricia Law Skinner, then wife of the historian Quentin Skinner. The Williams' marriage was dissolved in 1974, and Williams and Skinner were able to wed, a marriage that produced two sons.
Williams became Knightbridge Professor of Moral Philosophy at Cambridge in 1967, then served as Provost of King's College, Cambridge from 1979 until 1987, when he moved to the University of California, Berkeley to take up the post of Sather Professor of Classics, because, he told a British newspaper, he could barely afford to buy a house in central London on his salary as an academic. His public outburst at the low salaries in British universities made his departure appear part of the brain drain, as the British media called it, which was his intention. He told The Guardian in November 2002:
I now regret my departure was so public. I was persuaded that there was a real problem about academic conditions and that if my departure was publicised this would bring these matters to public attention. It did a bit, but it made me seem narky, and when I came back again in three years it looked rather absurd. I came back for personal reasons – it's harder to live out there with a family than I supposed. *
He returned to England in 1990 to become White's Professor of Moral Philosophy at Oxford, a post he held until 1996, when he was appointed Deutsch Professor of Philosophy at Berkeley. He remained in Oxford until his death.
In addition to academic life, Williams chaired and served on a number of Royal Commissions and government committees. In the 1970s, he chaired the Committee on Obscenity and Film Censorship, which reported in 1979 that:
Given the amount of explicit sexual material in circulation and the allegations often made about its effects, it is striking that one can find case after case of sex crimes and murder without any hint at all that pornography was present in the background.
The Committee's report was influenced by the liberal thinking of John Stuart Mill, a philosopher greatly admired by Williams, who used Mill's principle of liberty to develop what Williams called the "harm condition," whereby "no conduct should be suppressed by law unless it can be shown to harm someone." * Williams concluded that, according to the harm condition, pornography could not be shown to be harmful and that "the role of pornography in influencing society is not very important ... to think anything else is to get the problem of pornography out of proportion with the many other problems that face our society today". The committee reported that, so long as children were protected from seeing it, adults should be free to read and watch pornography as they saw fit. However, Margaret Thatcher's first administration put an end to the liberal agenda on sex, and nearly put an end to Williams' political career too; he was not asked to chair another public committee for almost 15 years.
Apart from pornography, he also sat on commissions examining drug abuse in 1971; gambling in 1976–78; the role of British private schools in 1965–70; and social justice in 1993–94. "I did all the major vices," he said. *
Williams was famously sharp in discussion. Oxford philosopher Gilbert Ryle once said of him that "understands what you're going to say better than you understand it yourself, and sees all the possible objections to it, all the possible answers to all the possible objections, before you've got to the end of your sentence." [http://books.guardian.co.uk/review/story/0,12084,850062,00.html
He was knighted in 1999 and became a fellow of the British Academy and an honorary member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. He sat on the board of the English National Opera and wrote the entry for "opera" in the Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians.
Williams died on June 10, 2003, while on holiday in Rome. He had been suffering from multiple myeloma, a form of cancer. He is survived by his wife, Patricia, their two sons, Jacob and Jonathan, and Rebecca, his daughter from his first marriage.
In An Introduction to Ethics (1972), he wrote that "whereas most moral philosophy at most times has been empty and boring . . . contemporary moral philosophy has found an original way of being boring, which is by not discussing issues at all". The study of morality, he argued, should be vital and compelling. He wanted to find a moral philosophy that was accountable to psychology and to history, to politics and to culture. In his rejection of morality as what he called "a peculiar institution", by which he meant a discrete and separable domain of human thought, Williams resembled the 19th-century German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche. Williams greatly admired Nietzsche, often saying he wished he could quote Nietzsche on every page he wrote.
Although Williams' disdain for reductionism sometimes made him appear a moral relativist, he was far from that. He believed, like the Ancient Greeks, that the so-called "thick" moral concepts, like courage and cruelty, were real. What is brave and what is cruel is not relative, he argued. We do know these things when we see them.
His last book, Truth And Truthfulness (2002), examines how philosophers Richard Rorty, Jacques Derrida and other followers of what he considered political correctness "sneer at any purported truth as ludicrously naive because it is, inevitably, distorted by power, class bias and ideology," wrote The Guardian in Williams' obituary. Unusually for a philosophy book, The Guardian said, Truth and Truthfulness makes the reader laugh, then want to cry. *
One of Williams' famous arguments against utilitarianism centres on Jim, a scientist doing research in a South American country led by a brutal dictator. One day, Jim finds himself in the central square of a small town facing 20 rebels, captured and tied up. The captain who has defeated them says that if Jim will kill one of the rebels, the others will be released, in honour of Jim's status as a guest. But if he does not, they will all be killed (Utiliarianism: For and Against, 1973). Simple act utilitarianism says that Jim should kill one of the captives in order to save the others. For most consequentialist theories, there is no moral dilemma in a case like this. All that matters is the outcome.
Against this, Williams argued that there is a crucial moral distinction between a person being killed by me, and being killed by someone else because of what I do. The utilitarian loses that vital distinction, he argued, thereby stripping us of our humanity and of everything that makes human life worthwhile, turning us into empty vessels by means of which consequences occur, rather than preserving our status as moral actors and decision-makers with integrity. Moral decisions must preserve our integrity and our psychological identity, he argued.
An advocate of utilitarianism would reply that the theory cannot be dismissed as easily as that. The Nobel philosopher of economics Amartya Sen, for example, argued that moral agency, issues of integrity, and personal points of view can be worked into a consequentialist account; that is, they can be counted as consequences too (see Sen and Williams, 1982). For example, to solve parking problems in London, Williams wrote, a utilitarian would have to favour threatening to shoot anyone who parked in a prohibited space. If only a few people were shot for this, illegal parking would soon stop, and the shootings would be justified, according to simple act utilitarianism, because of the happiness the absence of parking problems would bring to millions of Londoners. Any theory that has this as a consequence, Williams argued, should be rejected out of hand, no matter how intuitively plausible it feels to agree that we do judge actions in terms of their consequences. We do not, argued Williams, and we must not.
However, as Sen and others have argued, rule utilitarianism would ask what rule could be extrapolated from the parking example. If the rule is "Anyone might be shot over a simple parking offence," the utilitarian would argue that the implementation of that rule would bring great unhappiness to Londoners, and that, on those grounds, threatening to shoot people would be wrong. For Williams, however, this type of argument simply proved his point. We do not, as a matter of fact, need to calculate whether or why threatening to shoot people over parking offences is wrong, and any system that shows us how to make that calculation is a system we should reject.
As a group these works denounced the trivial and evasive way in which moral philosophy was being practised in England under the aegis of those two dominant theories." *
Kant's Critique of Practical Reason and Groundwork for the Metaphysic of Morals expounded a moral system based on what he called the Categorical Imperative, the best known version of which is: "Act as if the maxim of your action were to become, by an act of will, a universal law of nature".
This is a binding law, Kant argued, on any rational being with free will. You must imagine, when you act, that the rule underpinning your action will apply to everyone in similar circumstances, including yourself in future. If you cannot accept the consequences of this thought experiment, or if it leads to a contradiction, you must not carry out the act. For example, if you want to kill your wife's lover, you must imagine a law that says all wronged husbands have the right to kill their wives' lovers; and that will include you, should you become the lover of a married woman. In other words, you must universalize your experience.
Williams argued against the Categorical Imperative in his paper "Persons, character and morality" (Moral Luck, 1981). Morality should not require us to act selflessly, as though we are not who we are, as though we are not in the circumstances we presently find ourselves. We should not have to take an impartial view, or a Christian view, of the world, he argued. Our values, commitments, and desires do make a difference to how we see the world and to how we act; and so they should, he said, otherwise we lose our individuality, and thereby our humanity.
Before Williams, some philosophers tried to argue that moral agents had "external reasons" – by which they meant objective reasons, or reasons external to the moral agent – for performing a moral act. If action X was good, and was part of the Good, that alone was a reason to do X: a reason to act. Williams argued that this is meaningless nonsense. For something to be a "reason to act," it must be magnetic; that is, it must move us to action. But how can something entirely external to us – for example, the proposition that X is good – be magnetic? By what process can something external to us move us to act?
Williams argued that it cannot. Cognition is not magnetic. Knowing and feeling are quite separate, and a person must feel before they are moved to act. Reasons for action are always internal, he argued. If I feel moved to do X (for example, to do something good), it is because I want to. I may want to do the right thing for a number of reasons. For example, I may have been brought up to believe that X is good and may wish to act in accordance with my upbringing (something we might call conscience); or I may want to look good in someone else's eyes; or perhaps I fear the disapproval of my community. The reasons can be complex, but they are always internal and they always boil down to desire.
With this argument, Williams left moral philosophy with the notion that a person's moral reasons must be rooted in his desires to act morally, desires that might, at any given moment, in any given person, be absent.
By illuminating what he saw as the positive role of self-interest in moral action, a role largely neglected in Western philosophy, Bernard Williams went on to become one of the leading English-language philosophers of his time, bringing moral philosophy firmly back into the arena of difficult lives being lived under difficult circumstances.
| This article is part of The Contemporary Philosophers series |
| Analytic philosophers: |
| Isaiah Berlin |
| Continental philosophers: |
| Louis Althusser |
1929 births | 2003 deaths | 20th century philosophers | Alumni of King's College, Cambridge | British philosophers | English philosophers | Fellows of All Souls College, Oxford | Former students of Balliol College, Oxford | Natives of Essex | Philosophers
Bernard Arthur Owen Williams | Bernard Williams | Bernard Williams
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