The Battle of Marathon (490 BC) was the culmination of King Darius I of Persia's first major attempt to conquer the remainder of the Greeks and add them to the Persian Empire, thereby securing the weakest portion of his Western border.
With the failure of the Ionian Revolt (499 BC - 494 BC), which had been helped by Athens and Eretria, Darius was intent on subjugating the Greeks and punishing them for their part in the revolt. In 492 BC Darius dispatched an army under his son-in-law, Mardonius. This army reduced Thrace and compelled Alexander I of Macedon to submit again to Persia. However, in attempting to advance into Greece much of the fleet was wrecked in a storm on Cape Athos and Mardonius' army was forced to retreat to Asia. On the way back his army suffered serious losses from attacks by Thracian tribes.
Darius learned through Hippias that the Alcmaeonidae, a powerful Athenian family, were opposed to Miltiades and ready to help reinstate Hippias. They were also ready to bow to Persian demands in exchange for being excused for their role in the Ionian Revolt and political dominance in Athens. Darius wished to take advantage of this situation to take Athens, which would isolate Sparta and hand him the remainder of the Greeks. In order for the Athenians to revolt, two things would need to happen: the populace would need encouragement to revolt, and the Athenian army would have to leave Athens.
Darius decided to send a purely maritime expedition led by Artaphernes, son of a satrap of Sardis, and Datis, a Median admiral (Mardonius had been injured in the prior campaign and had fallen out of favor) with the intention to punish Naxos (whose resistance to Persian attack in 499 BC led to the Ionan revolt) and force Eretria and Athens to submit to the Great King or be destroyed.
The size of either of the two armies is not given by Herodotus. For the Persian army he only mentions that it was a large infantry that was well packed Herodotus, book VI paragraph 94. Simonides, another near-contemporary, says that the campaign force numbered 200,000, while among later writers, Cornelius Nepos gives 200,000 infantry and 10,000 cavalry,Plutarch and Pausanias both independently give 300,000, Plato Plato Menexenus, 240A and Lysias claim 500,000, and Justinus 600,000. As Kampouris has noted Η Μάχη του Μαραθώνα, το λυκαυγές της κλασσικής Ελλάδος = The battle of Marathon, the dawn of classical Greece, Πόλεμος και ιστορία = War and History magazine, issue 26 January 2000, Communications editions, Athens , if the 600 ships were warships and not transport ships then with 30 epibates soldiers (the ships' foot soldiers that formed and defended from boarding parties during the sea battles) in each ship (typical for Persian ships after the battle of Lade; this was how many they had during Xerxes' invasion), a number of 18,000 troops is reached. But since the fleet did have transport ships it carried at the very least the Persian cavalry. While Herodotus claims the cavalry was carried in the triremes, the Persian fleet had dedicated ships for this job, and according to Ephorus, 800 transports accompanied Xerxes' invasion fleet 10 years later. Estimates for the cavalry are usually in the 1,000 - 3,000 range Ιστορία του Ελληνικού Έθνους = History of the Greek nation volume Β', Athens 1971 though as noted earlier Cornelius Nepos gives 10,000.
The size of the Athenian army is another subject of debate. Some recent historians have given around 7-8,000, while others favor 10,000. Those favoring the 10,000 number do it on the following basis: Herototus tells that at the battle of Plataea the Athenians sent 8,000 hoplites. This was probably the size of the entire Athenian army that could be moved out of the limits of the state at that time (which had been reduced somewhat by losses at the battle of Salamis). Also Thucydides tells that in 431 BC, at the beginning of the Peloponnesian War the Athenian army numbered 26,400 hoplites (and 1,000 horsemen), of which 3,900 (about 15% of the whole army) could not be moved outside the state limits because they were under 20 or over 50. Assuming a similar ratio for 479 BC the whole army would have numbered 9,400 men. Since there was little change in the population of Athens in these 11 years, and there were further losses of soldiers during the war between Athens and Aegina which took place during that decade between the invasions, the number is rounded to 10,000. Pausanias noticed in the trophy of the battle the names of former slaves who were freed in exchange for military services. Also it is possible that metoikoi, non-Athenian Greeks residing in Athens, were drafted since they had military obligations to Athens in times of great emergency, (for example in 460 BC). Though for Marathon this is not mentioned by any surviving source and their number in Athens was not as significant in 490 BC as it became when Athens became head of the Delian League.
Athens at that time could have fielded at least four times the force it did had it chosen to also send light troops consisting of the lower classes, since ten years later at the battle of Salamis it had a 200 trireme fleet that was manned by 34,000 rowers. Why this did not happen has been subject to speculation. Kampouris, among others, notes that the political leanings of the lower classes were unreliable. After the Ionic revolt had shown the general unreliability of tyrants to the Persian empire, Artafernes in 494 BC had changed the regime of the Ionian city-states from tyranny to democracy, thus setting an example that was later copied, among others, by the Second Athenian Alliance and Alexander the Great. There the power rested on the poor with the Persian army in place to reign in any move that threatened Persia's position. Some of the poor who remembered Pesistratus well since he had given them jobs probably hoped for a victory of the Persians and a change in regime to give them more power, which is one of the reasons Hippias ordered the landing in Marathon where the vast majority of local inhabitants were from these social classes. On the other hand, the Persian army hoped for an internal revolution in Athens so as to have an easy victory as in Eretria.
The Eretrians sent an urgent message to Athens for help. The Athenians agreed, but realized they needed more help. They sent the courier Pheidippides to the Spartans and probably messengers to other cities. Only the Plataeans eventually showed up. Pheidippides arrived in Sparta on the next day, the 9th of the month. The Spartans agreed to help, but, according to Herodotus, being superstitious, said that they could not march to war until the Carneian festival ended on the full moon (September 9). Some modern historians have that the Spartans set out late because of a helot revolution, claiming this was the time of a revolution that is mentioned by Plato Laws III 6923 D, 698 E
As to what happened next there is disagreement among modern historians. Some claim that Artaphernes took part of the Persian army and laid siege to Eretria, while the remainder of the army crossed with Datis and landed in the Bay of Marathon. Others claim that the events happened consecutively: at first Eretria was sieged and fell, and later the whole army landed at Schinias beach. Herodotus reports that there was a council of the 10 tribal Strategoi, with five voting for moving to confront the enemy and five voting against it, with Callimachus, the Polemarch, casting the deciding vote in favor of attack after a very dramatic appeal by Miltiades. Thus an Athenian army made of hoplites, numbering probably 10,000, under Callimachus the polemarch marched to the north and east from Athens to meet the enemy near the landing site.
The army encamped near the shrine of Heracles, where they blocked the way to Athens in an easily defendable position. The position also permitted intervention in Athens had any revolution taken place. One thousand Plataeans joined him there. The army was manned by men from the aristocracy--the upper and upper-middle classes--since armament in ancient Greece was the responsibility of the individual and not of the state (even in Sparta), so men armed themselves for battle with whatever they could afford. Before Ephialte's constitutional reforms in 457 BC, most power rested on these social classes since many positions of significant political power in the regime were reserved for those who had significant property.
According to Herodotus, by that point the generals had decided to give up their rotating leadership of the army in favor of Miltiades, who decided to move against the Persians very early in that morning. The distance between the two armies had narrowed to "a distance no less than 8 stadia" or about 1500 meters, which they covered running, much to the surprise on the Persians who were wondering if they were mad, rushing so early in the morning to their death. It is also a matter of debate whether the Greek army ran the whole distance or marched until they reached the limit of the archer's effectiveness, the "beaten zone," or roughly 200 yards, and then ran towards the ranks of their enemy. Proponents of the latter opinion note that it is very hard to run that large a distance carrying the heavy weight of the hoplitic armor. Proponents of the former opinion note the following arguments: the ancient Greeks--as indicated by the surviving statues--were in very good physical condition, the hoplite run had recently become an olympic sport, and if they had run the entire distance it would have been covered in about 5 minutes whereas if they had marched it would have probably taken 10--enough time for the Persians to react, which they did not.
shape. The Persian fleet (red) waits some way off to the east. This great distance to the ships played a crucial role in the later stages of the battle.]]
During the Ionian revolt the phalanx was seriously weakened by the arrows of the Persian archers before it reached hand to hand combat with them (where it excelled) because it moved slowly in order to maintain formation. This is why Miltiades who had great experience with the Persian army since he was forced to follow it during its campaign in Scythia in 513 BC ordered his army to run. This could have meant that they could end up fighting in disordered ranks. Herodotus however mentions in the description of the battle that the retreat of the center happened in order, meaning that the formation was not broken during the initial rush. This is supported by the fact that there were few casualties in that phase of the battle. The Greek center was reduced to four ranks, from the normal eight. The wings maintained their eight ranks. If Miltiades only wanted to extend the line and prevent the Persian line from overlapping the Greeks, he would have weakened uniformly the whole army so as not to leave weak points. But Herodotus categorically states that it was a conscious decision by Miltiades to strengthen the sides.
The front of the Greek army numbered 250 x 2 (for the center tribes) plus 125 x 9 (for the side tribes and the Plateans) = 1,625 men. If the Persians had the same density as the Greeks and were 10 ranks strong then the Persian army opposing the Greeks numbered 16,000 men . But if the front had a density of 1 meter compared to 1.4 meters for every Greek and had a density of 40 to 50 ranks as was the maximum possible for the plain, (the Persian army had even fought in 110 ranks,) then the Persian army numbered 44,000 to 55,000 . If the Persian front numbered 2,000 men and they fought in 30 ranks (as Xenophon in Cyropaedia claims) they numbered 60,000. Kampouris suggests it numbered 60,000 since that was the standard size of a major Persian formation equivalent to a modern day army corps. Generally modern Greek (and some non-Greek like Bussolt Busolt D. Griechichse Geschichte bis zur Schlacht bei Chaeroneia, vol I, Gotha 1893 and Glotz Glotz G., Roussel P., Cohen R., Histoire Grecque vol. I-IV, Paris 1948 ) historians consistently give the Persians numbers ranging from 20,000 to 60,000, or about five times the Athenian/Platean army *" target="_blank" >*" target="_blank" >*" target="_blank" >*. If the Persian army was this small then the Eretrians, combined with the Athenians and Plateans could match it, and possibly have sought battle outside Eretria. Naxos alone could field "8,000 shields" in 500 BC Herodotus, IV 30 and with this force successfully defended against the 200-ship Persian invasion 10 years earlier.
As the Greeks advanced, their strong wings drew ahead of the center, which retreated according to plan. The retreat must have been significant since Herodotus mentions that the center retreated towards Mesogeia, not several steps. However ranks did not break since the overall casualties were low and most were attained during the last phase of the battle. The Greek retreat in the center, besides pulling the Persians in, also brought the Greek wings inwards, shortening the Greek line. The result was a double envelopment, and the battle ended when the whole Persian army, crowded into confusion, broke back in panic towards their ships and were pursued by the Greeks. The sides were maintained empty so that the Persian ranks would break, since even a desperate army that maintained numerical advantage after a battle could still defeat its enemy. Some, unaware of the local terrain ran towards the swamps, where they drowned.
Herodotus records that 6,400 Persian bodies were counted on the battlefield, and it is unknown how many perished in the swamps. Also seven Persian ships are mentioned captured though none are mentioned sunk. The Athenians lost 192 men and the Plateans 11, most during the final chase when their heavy armor proved a disadvantage. Among dead was Kallimachus. A story is given to us about Kynaigeirus, brother of the poet Aeschylus who was also among the fighters. He charged into the sea, grabbed one Persian trireme and started pulling it towards shore. A member of the crew saw him and cut off his hand. He then grabbed it with his other arm, which the Persian also cut off. Then he bit the ship with his mouth and continued trying to pull it towards shore. At this point he was decapitated, thus dying.
The Greek upset of the Persians, who had not been defeated on land for many decades, caused great problems for the Persians. The Persians were shown as vulnerable. Many subject peoples revolted following the defeat of their overlords at Marathon. Order was not restored for several years.
Simonides captured the feeling on his famous epigram
which means
For the Athenians, the victory gave confidence to the people. Two years later ostracism was exercised for the first time Aristotle, The Athenian Constitution, part 22
The longest lasting legacy of Marathon was the double envelopment. Some historians have claimed it was random rather than a concientious decision by Miltiades. As they say, was it really Cannae before Cannae? Christodoulou Demetrios, Η στρατιωτική ιστορία της αρχαίας Ελλάδος, μία άλλη προσέγγιση (=The military history of ancient Greece, another point of view), Στρατιωτική Ιστορία (=Military history) magazine, issue 20 April 1998, Periscopio editions Athens . In hoplitic battles the two sides were usually stronger than the center because either they were the weakest point (right side) or the strongest point (left side). However before Miltiades (and after him until Epameinondas) this was only a matter of quality, not quantity. Miltiades had personal experience from the Persian army and knew its weaknesses. As his course of action after the battle shows (invasions of the Cyclades islands), he had an integrated strategy on defeating the Persians, hence there is no reason he could have not thought of a good tactic. The double envelopment has been used ever since, e.g. the German Army used a tactic at the battle of Tannenberg during World War I similar to that used by the Greeks at Marathon.
Another point of debate is which way the runner took. There are two exits from the battlefields. One is towards the south that follows modern-day Marathonos avenue leading through Pikermi over the pass of Stavros Agias Paraskevis and down modern day Messogeion avenue to Athens, which is 40.8 kilometers long. (Following the ancient roads, the modern road has been lengthened somewhat to accommodate vehicular traffic to and from Mesogeia). The other is towards the north, over the modern village of Vranas, up the relatively high mountain pass towards modern day Dionyssos and the northern suburbs of Athens, which is 34.5 kilometers long. It is more likely that the runner followed the safer, shorter but more tiring northern route than the longer but unsafe southern route. For the first modern marathon during the 1896 Olympics the southern route was chosen, probably because it was the main modern route between Marathon and Athens. That event was won by the Greek Spyros Loues who, being a local, knew that he had to conserve forces to pass the Stavros Agias Paraskevis pass, unlike his foreign competitors who were unaware of the terrain and abandoned there. The race today is run over a distance of 42.195 km (26.2 miles). This length was set during the 1908 Olympics because the royal family wanted to see the runners starting from the balcony of the palace.
Evidence that the runner did exist and did run is given by the following popular legend first recorded by Andreas Karkavitsas in the 19th century and also Linos Politis I. Kakrides, Οι αρχαίοι Έλληνες στην νεοελληνική λαική παράδοση (=The ancient Greeks in modern Greek popular traditions), Athens 1989 On the plain of Marathon there was once a big battle. Many Turcs(1) with many ships came to enslave the land and from there pass to Athens... The blood turned into a river, and reached from the roots of Vranas until Marathon on the other side. It reached the sea and painted the waves red. Lots of lamentation and evil took place. In the end the Greeks won... Then two run to bring the news to Athens. One of them went on horseback and the other on foot and in full gear. The rider went towards Halandri and the one on foot towards Stamata. Swift-footed he went up Aforesmos and down towards the village. As women saw him they run towards him:
Stamata, they shouted, stamata'' (=stop). They wanted to ask what happened in the battle. He stopped a moment to catch his breath and then took the road again. Finally he reaches Psychico. There he was almost near death '' (pige na ksepscyhesei) , his feet were shaking, he felt like falling down. But he composed himself, took a deep breath, continued and finally reached Athens.
We won he said, and immediately he fell down and died. The rider has yet to come. But there where the foot runner stopped and took a breath is named after his act. The first village is called Stamata and the second Psychico.
490s BC | Battles of the Greco-Persian Wars
Batalla de Marató | Bitva u Marathonu | Slaget ved Marathon | Schlacht bei Marathon | Μάχη του Μαραθώνα | Guerras Médicas#Maratón | Marathonin taistelu | Bataille de Marathon | Batalla de Maratón | קרב מרתון | Bitka kod Maratona | Battaglia di Maratona | マラトンの戦い | Slag bij Marathon | Slaget ved Marathon | Bitwa pod Maratonem | Bătălia de la Marathon | Битва при Марафоне | Bitka pri Maratóne | Bitka na Maratonskem polju | Маратонска битка | Slaget vid Marathon | 马拉松战役
This article is licensed under the GNU Free Documentation License.
It uses material from the
"Battle of Marathon".
Home Page • arts • business • computers • games • health • hospitals • home • kids & teens • news • physicians • recreation• reference • regional • science • shopping • society • sports • world