The Anti-Japanese demonstrations of 2005 are demonstrations that happened in Spring, 2005 in China and Korea to protest against a Japanese history textbook called "Atarashii Rekishi Kyokasho" (新しい歴史教科書) or "New History Textbook" which downplays or "whitewashes" the nature of Japan's military aggression in the Sino-Japanese War, in Japan's annexation of Korea in 1910, and in World War II.
Japan's official policy is that publishers have the right to freedom of speech. The central government does have the right to stop textbooks from being published (see Japanese history textbook controversies), provided that they contain factual errors or personal opinions. The particular concern of the 2005 demonstration was the textbook of Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform. Since its official authorization in 2001, this textbook has only hampered relations between Japan and its East Asian neighbors, primarily Korea and China. In the early 2005, news of the Japanese government's re-authorization of the "Atarashii Rekishi Kyokasho" led to multinational public protest demonstrations. The textbook has been publicly denounced by Japan Teachers Union and as the result, according to a CNN article in April of 2004, it is being used by only 18 of the nation's 11,102 junior high schools. According to a recent Asahi Shimbun article from September of 2005, in four years since its initial adoption, the textbook is only being used in 0.04% of Japan's junior high schools, which is far from the 10% penetration that the Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform had aimed for [http://www.asahi.com/edu/news/TKY200509020241.html.
Critics in several countries, most notably the People's Republic of China, the Republic of China (Taiwan), the Republic of Korea, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, and Japan itself claim that the textbooks sanitize their reporting of the wartime events. These critics claim that it is not historically justifiable to glorify Japanese wartime activities or to omit alleged atrocities. The textbook controversy plays a role in spurring demands by Northeast Asian nations for more Japanese government apologies for wartime atrocities, despite repeated apologies by Japanese officials and the Emperor in the past (see List of war apology statements issued by Japan).
The Japanese government has demanded an apology from the PRC government for the protests and compensations for the damage made to the properties of their diplomatic missions, claiming that the protests are primarily motivated by hostile or racist Sinocentric anti-Japanese sentiment, and that the PRC government aided and abetted violence against Japanese civilians including providing exclusive busses, trains and meals for the protesters organized by the government.
The focus of anti-Japanese sentiment in the 2005 protests was not confined to the textbook issue, but included wider Japan-related issues, such as the bid by Japan for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council and territorial disputes. In the PRC, several Japanese-themed shops and malls were attacked and vandalized by protesters. Many of these were Chinese-owned and operated. Several Japanese nationals residing in China have been reported as injured and a few killed.
To date only Japanese history textbooks have been called into question. The treatment of historical issues in China and other countries that were subject to Japanese aggression is generally ignored (see "China's Textbooks Twist and Omit History," New York Times December 6, 2004]; "Beijing dispatch: A tale of two massacres," Guardian, June 24, 2005). However, this broader context, which would inevitably put the focus on the systematic distortion of history by Chinese textbooks (including the issue of who really fought the Sino-Japanese war), may become more relevant if Japan presses its offer of a joint commission to review textbooks in both countries.
In March 2005, demonstrations were organized in several cities in the People's Republic of China, including Chongqing, Guangzhou, Shenzhen, Zhengzhou, Shenyang, Ningbo, Harbin, Chengdu, Luoyang, Qingdao, Changsha, Hefei, Beijing, Wuhan, Fuzhou and Shanghai. In some cases, demonstrators attacked and damaged Japanese embassies, consulates, supermarkets, restaurants (mostly franchise businesses owned by Chinese) as well as people, prompting the Japanese government to demand an apology and compensation for damages. There were some peaceful demonstrations in Hong Kong.
The official PRC attitude towards the demonstrations is considered by foreign observers as enigmatic. On the one hand, the government allowed the demonstrations to occur in the first place. While the PRC policed the protests, some observers believe that measures to rein in the violence and property damage were deliberately ineffective. However, the PRC has only indirectly reported the current protests in state-owned media, withholding coverage from a national audience. State-owned media in the PRC nevertheless carried extensive coverage of anti-Japanese demonstrations in South Korea, as well as distant but related events, such as the European commemoration of the liberation of the Buchenwald concentration camp. Internet censorship has been extended to subjects related to the protests. Many universities prohibited students from coming onto or leaving the campus. Mass transit systems in close proximity to protest rally points were shut down. However, this policy was contradicted in several cities, including Beijing, where city buses were used by the municipal authorities to ferry students into the protests. Students at Tsinghua and Peking Universities also reported receiving phone calls from university authorities encouraging them to demonstrate. In the second half of April 2005, the People's Daily published several articles to calm down the protestors, and the Ministry of Public Security declared that "unauthorized marches were illegal". *
Interestingly enough, the PRC had never previously protested so violently against Japan in 60 years since World War II, and hundreds of textbook revisions through the years.
PRC police tactics are perceived to be similar to those utilized when demonstrations were held outside the American embassy in Beijing after NATO forces accidentally bombed the PRC embassy in Belgrade, Yugoslavia in May 1999.
The slogan "patriotism is not a sin" (爱国无罪 àiguó wúzuì: literally translated, "it is not a crime to be patriotic") is popular, albeit in a sarcastic sense, among the PRC protesters. This slogan is used to describe a justification of violence against Japanese individuals, on the basis of reciprocating Japanese atrocities in China during the Second World War.
Political observers on the U.S. National Public Radio have argued that the controversy is being allowed by the PRC government partly in order to further a multitude of political goals. American news outlets CNN and Time Magazine have also pointed out that historical inaccuracies are not limited to Japanese textbooks, but that Chinese government-made textbooks are equally rife with omissions and non-neutral point of view. Great Leap Forward which caused 30 million Chinese deaths ("the People suffered major losses"), China's 1979 invasion of Vietnam, the Cultural Revolution ("lots of appalling events happened") and the Tiananmen Square "Incident" of 1989, in which thousands of protesters may have been killed. Tibet is a subject given scant mention except by foreign press, [http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A61708-2005Apr17.html" target="_blank" >* and Xinjiang remains detached from the ongoing controversy.
The Japanese foreign minister visited Beijing hastily to meet his counterpart on April 17. The Xinhua News Agency reported that in the meeting held in Beijing between PRC and Japanese foreign ministers, the Japanese minister offered an apology for Japan's wrongdoings during World War II. However, Xinhua omitted in its report that in this meeting the Japanese negotiators demanded an apology and compensation for damage against Japanese property and people. That demand was rejected by Li Zhaoxing, the Chinese foreign minister. Meanwhile, the Japanese foreign ministry officially denied the news reports from the state-controlled Xinhua News Agency, which reports little about the on-going patriotic demonstrations in major Chinese cities.
The Tokyo Stock Exchange recorded a sharp plunge on Monday, April 18, and correlations between the demonstrations and Sino-Japanese economic ties are raised in the financial industry.
Japanese Premier Junichiro Koizumi expressed his deep remorse for the suffering that Japan caused other Asian nations during World War II at the Asia-Africa Conference in Jakarta, Indonesia on April 22. However, 81 Diet members visited Yasukuni Shrine hours before, causing more controversy inside and outside Japan about the true attitude of Tokyo on this subject. Hu Jintao on April 23. [http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/4476099.stm" target="_blank" >*
Japanese companies have responded economically by repositioning investment to southeast Asia and India and away from China. Politically, right wing voices have become more popular (or tolerable), and even previously unpopular PM Koizumi's re-election was a reaction to the Chinese embassy incident. Japan also has reacted by considering joint military deterrance with Russia, as Russia itself is increasingly uneasy with China's military buildup.
On May 6, 2005 in a meeting between President Roh Moo-hyun and Liberal Democratic Party's Secretary General Tsutomu Takebe, President Roh demanded Japan takes step to properly educate its citizens. He told Takemura that the teaching of history should not be treated as the academic matter and freely discussed but as the political matter and with the responsibility falling on the government to control it. *
However, Japanese and South Korean relations are much more harmonious as compared to China as bilateral and pop-culture exchanges are frequent and Seoul's blame is put squarely on Japan's government, not targeting civilians.
Many historians recognize that widespread atrocities were committed by the Imperial Japanese Army in and around Nanking (now Nanjing), China, after the capital's fall to Japanese troops on 13 December 1937. This event and associated atrocities breeds considerable anger in many Chinese today. The Japanese textbook in question only briefly mentions the atrocities committed and refers to Nanjing Massacre as follows:
While the use of the word "incident" is standard Japanese historiographical terminology for focal events, such as Tiananmen "Incident" (天安門事件) rahter than massacre, it is objected to by Chinese as a deliberate playing down of the events in question.
Other textbooks, which are used in an overwhelming majority of Japanese schools, are more direct.
Comfort women are women who worked as prostitutes in military brothels in Japanese-occupied countries during World War II. The institution of comfort women was created by the Japanese military as a means to curb random Japanese soldiers raping civilians; however, it is being criticized as one of Japanese war crimes today for forcing Japanese, Korean, Chinese, Filipino and Vietnamese women to provide sex. The Japanese military had stated at the time that the women were all 'voluntary' prostitutes. However, forced prostitutions often took place.
During the height of Japan's power in 1942, the Japanese military began testing of certain chemical and biological weapons as an alternative method to winning the war. Human experiments were conducted on civilians and Allied POWs. Both China (PRC) and the United States demanded the "test results" in exchange for keeping quiet.
The Senkaku Islands, known in Chinese as the Diaoyu Islands, are a group of islands in the East China Sea with an area of 7 km². Japan currently has control over the islands, but both the People's Republic of China and the Republic of China government on Taiwan claim them. Tensions over the islands have surfaced in the late 1990s and were one issue in the 2005 protests in China.
China has been drilling in the Xihu Trough since 2003. China's claims to these islands come from its claim of the entire continental shelf. Japan's claim is by the standard 200 mile (370 km) EEZ international maritime treaty. Practically speaking, both nations have split the territory. Japan fears that Chinese drilling is likely to remove oil from territory claimed by Japan through suction from Japan's side. After two years of repeated requests to China to disclose information on the deposits in the hope of co-development, on April 13, 2005, Japan granted drilling rights to two Japanese companies, a move immediately protested by the Chinese as the drilling will take place in disputed territorial waters. The companies have not yet been formally granted permission to drill and this is expected to take several months. China National Offshore Oil Corporation, a Chinese, state-owned company, plans to drill near the disputed EEZ line between China and Japan beginning in August. *
Japanese history textbook controversies | Historiography | History of Japan | History of China | Protests | Protests by country
Mouvements anti-japonais en Chine de 2005 | 2005年の中国における反日活動 | 2005年中国反日示威活动
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