Anti-Americanism, often Anti-American sentiment, covers a broad range of attitudes and actions that are thought to be opposed or hostile to the government, culture, or people of the United States. Contemporary analysis of anti-Americanism typically focuses on international opposition to United States policy, though the concept includes a number of historical trends varying greatly in content and motive.
Interpretations of anti-Americanism have often been polarized. It has been described as an irrational phenomenon Hollander, Paul. Anti-Americanism: Irrational and rational, Transaction Publishers, 1995 that configures the United States and the American way of life as threatening at their core Ceaser, James W. "A genealogy of Anti-Americanism", The Public Interest, Summer 2003.. However, it has also been suggested that Anti-Americanism cannot be isolated as a consistent phenomenon and that the term merely signifies a rough composite of stereotypes, prejudices and criticisms towards Americans or the United States O'Conner, Brendan. "A Brief History of Anti-Americanism from Cultural Criticism to Terrorism", Australasian Journal of American Studies, July 2004, pp. 77-92.
Whether sentiment hostile to United States reflects reasoned evaluation of specific policies and administrations, rather than a truly prejudiced belief system, is a further complication. Increases in global anti-American attitudes appear to correlate with particular policies Rodman, Peter W. The world’s resentment, The National Interest, Washington D.C., vol. 601, Summer 2001, such as the Vietnam and Iraq Documenting the Phenomenon of Anti-Americanism By Nicole Speulda, The Princeton Project on National Security, Princeton University, 2005 wars, criticism of which may or may not be valid. For this reason, critics often claim the label is a propaganda item that is used to dismiss any censure of the United States as irrational O'Connor, Brendan, op. cit., p 78: "... Cold War (1945-1989) ... In this period the false and disingenuous labeling of objections to American policies as ‘anti-Americanism’ became more prominent.". The propaganda thesis has itself been challenged as a form of Anti-Americanism Berlinski, Claire. Why the Continent's Crisis Is America's, Too (2006) that seeks to frame the consequences of difficult US policy choices as evidence of a specifically American moral failure, as opposed to what may be unavoidable failures of a complicated foreign policy that comes with superpower statusKagan, Robert. Of Paradise and Power: America and Europe in the New World Order (2003).
The use of the term anti-Americanism has been catalogued from 1948, entering wide political language in the 1950s Roger, Phillipe. ''The American Enemy: The History of French Anti-Americanism,'' introductory excerpt, University of Chicago Press, 2005.. The related term "Americanization" (to which anti-Americanism is at least partly a response) has been dated to France as early as 1867 Rubin, Barry. "Understanding Anti-Americanism", Foreign Policy Research Institute, August 2004. Labeling earlier attitudes and commentary "anti-American" is thus partly a retroactive exercise, though there are numerous examples of hostility directed at the country from at least the late 18th century onwards.
Contemporary usage is often controversial. The term itself does not imply a critical attitude based on rational objections but rather a prejudiced system of thought and it is therefore rarely employed as a self-identifier (i.e. "I am anti-American...") as this implies bias. Instead, it is often used as a pejorative by those who object to another individual or group's stance toward the United States or its policies. Advocates of the significance of the term argue, for instance, that Anti-Americanism represents a coherent and dangerous ideological current, comparable to anti-Semitism Foot, Rob. "The New Anti-Semitism?", Quadrant Magazine, vol, XLVIII n 4, April 2004.. Yet its status as an "-ism" is a greatly contended aspect: critics who view it as a propaganda term suggest a blanket label has a suppressive function over political discourse by conflating legitimate criticism with hateful rhetoric and prejudice. Certain scholars have also suggested that a plural of Anti-Americanisms, specific to country and time period, more accurately describe the phenomenon than any broad generalization Katzenstein, Peter and Robert Keohane. "Conclusion: Anti-Americanisms and the Polyvalence of America", in Anti-Americanisms in World Politics, Katzenstein and Keohane, eds., Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2006 (forthcoming).. The widely-used "anti-American sentiment", meanwhile, less explicitly implies an ideology or belief system.
Strong feeling against the United States (and at times the North American continent) has persisted since the country's original settlement, with criticisms varying greatly in content and motive.
Some argued that due to this degeneracy America was a threat to the world and as the novelist Henry de Montherlant put it in the voice of a character: "One nation that manages to lower intelligence, morality, human quality on nearly all the surface of the earth, such a thing has never been seen before in the existence of the planet. I accuse the United States of being in a permanent state of crime against humankind." needed The degeneracy thesis later shifted to focus on the cultural qualities of the United States (as sometimes evidenced today in hostility to the global expansion of McDonald's, Starbucks and other American institutions).
With the rise of American industry in the late nineteenth century, intellectual anti-American discourse entered a new form. Mass production, the Taylor system, and the speed of American life and work became a major threat to some intellectuals' view of European life and tradition. Nietzsche wrote: "The breathless haste with which they (the Americans) work - the distinctive vice of the new world - is already beginning ferociously to infect old Europe and is spreading a spiritual emptiness over the continent."
It has been claimed that this thesis transformed into a Heideggerian critique of technologism. Heidegger wrote in 1935: "Europe lies today in a great pincer, squeezed between Russia on the one side and America on the other. From a metaphysical point of view, Russia and America are the same, with the same dreary technological frenzy and the same unrestricted organization of the average man." A strange derivative of the thesis regarding the soullessness of America and its inherent threat to Europe was also used in Fascist rhetoric and in German and Japanese propaganda during World War II. It has been claimed that the Heideggerian critique, incorporated into existentialist (Sartre) and leftist thought after the war, played a central role in the political rhetoric of many Western European Communist parties.
Some critics argue that anti-Americanism ideology often correlates with other forms of perceived extremism, such as virulent nationalist movements, radical Islam, or communism. Self-proclaimed French anti-anti-American, Bernard-Henri Levy, described this view: "Anti-Americanism is a horror. ... It is a magnet of the worst. In the entire world and in France in particular, everything that is the worst in people's heads comes together around anti-Americanism: racism, nationalism, chauvinism, anti-Semitism."
During the Cold War, anti-Americanism grew within the sphere of the Soviet Union and spread to some other parts of the world, such as Africa and Asia, that had previously held the United States in higher regard than the major European colonial powers. The Vietnam War boosted anti-American sentiment: here, American critics felt, was naked imperialism at its worst, though supporters were willing to forgive the misadventure given the larger priorities of the Cold War. In addition, the United States' support for right-wing authoritarian regimes and numerous covert operations during this era had been likewise criticized.
While the U.S. is not seen universally unfavorably in Europe and other Western countries, feelings of distrust and dislike toward the United States are widespread, particularly in some states in Western Europe. A survey in June 2005 showed that a majority of Europeans have an unfavorable image of America; however, two-thirds of those people opting for the "unfavorable" option declared that this was due to George Bush and his political actions.
In Latin America, anti-American sentiment has deep roots, tracing to traumas of U.S.-supported dictators as well as economic and military interventionsTracing the Root of Anti-Americanism in Latin America, Review by Michael Shifter. Explicitly anti-American platforms have been adopted by leaders in the region, in part as a populist measure; this has been true in Cuba for decades and in Venezuela more recently.
In Japan and South Korea, much anti-Americanism has focused on the sometimes rude behavior of American military personnel, aggravated especially by repeated sexual assaults on locals by U.S. servicemen. The on-going U.S. military presence in Okinawa remains a contentious issue in Japan.Nicole Risse, Yonsei University: [The Evolution in anti-Americanism in South Korea: From Ideologically Embedded to Socially Constructed]; *
According to a Zogby International poll of Arab men and women in Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco and the United Arab Emirates, negative attitudes toward the United States grew from large majorities in 2002 to practical unanimity in 2004 . According to the Zogby poll, Osama bin Laden and Saddam Hussein were tied in fourth place on a list of most admired world leaders.
Anti-national sentiment | Foreign relations of the United States | persecution | politics | Racism
Antiamerikanismus | Antiamerikanismus | Antiamericanismo | Antiusonismo | Anti-américanisme | Antiamericanismo | Anti-Amerikanisme | 反米 | Anti-americanismo | Amerikkalaisvastaisuus | Antiamerikanism | 反美情绪
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